Suchergebnisse

Radikalisierung hin zu extremistischen Milieus findet seit etlichen Jahren auch gezielt online statt. Während der Kontakt zu extremistischen Akteuren weiterhin auch offline geschieht, spielen die sozialen Medien in Radikalisierungsverläufen zunehmend eine wichtige Rolle. So werden Jugendliche in YouTube-Videos und auf anderen Plattformen der sozialen Medien aktiv von extremistischen Akteuren angesprochen und zu extremistischen Inhalten hingeleitet. Die Untersuchung und Offenlegung von Radikalisierungsnarrativen online ist daher eine wichtige Aufgabe für Wissenschaft und Prävention. In den Bemühungen um De-Radikalisierung bzw. Hemmung oder Prävention von Radikalisierung können auch Gegennarrative bzw. alternative Narrative eine Rolle spielen. Gegennarrative versuchen, Radikalisierungsnarrative zu dekonstruieren, falsche Zusammenhänge und Widersprüche offenzulegen und alternative bzw. rechtsstaatliche, demokratische Deutungen von bestehenden Problemen aufzuzeigen. Diese Gegennarrative können sowohl online verfügbar gemacht sowie in der Jugendarbeit für die Prävention genutzt werden. Der Sammelband greift diese Thematik auf, indem er wichtige Erkenntnisse aus Wissenschaft und Prävention zusammenbringt. Die Herausgeberin Dr. Sybille Reinke de Buitrago ist Politikwissenschaftlerin, Expertin für Sicherheitspolitik und politische Kommunikation sowie Geschäftsführerin des Instituts für Kriminalitäts- und Sicherheitsforschung (IKriS).

The so-called refugee crisis of the last years has presented Germany with a massive inflow of refugees and migrants. The scale has disrupted Germany's self-narrative as open and tolerant state that has learned from its Nazi past. With local and national institutions not being prepared logistically, with media images portraying a nearly 'overrun' country, and with a significant upsurge in anti-migrant sentiments, a state of mnemonic insecurity has developed in Germany. Far-right political movements gathered strength and voter support, and right-wing extremist violence increased. On the other side, many people actively engaged in a 'welcome culture'. The contribution traces key developments in Germany's approach to the refugee crisis in the context of radicalization trends. It illustrates the dislocation of Germany's identity and self-narrative in an emotionalized discourse, and the following acts to defend memory. It closes with current attempts at memory's re-politicization to something larger than before.

Emotions, and linked national identity, play a significant role in how we make sense of the world and in knowledge production in international relations. How we understand international relations is also shaped by our emotions and identity through their role in sense and meaning making of visual representation, such as political cartoons. This article analyses how political cartoons with portrayals of interstate relations are interpreted, and which emotions and elements of national identity are evoked and give meaning to interpretations. Cartoons from US media were shown to US and German viewers. In a two-stage process, viewers addressed evoked emotions and then critically discussed emotions, identity and representations. Focusing on commonalities and differences in how viewers read and felt visual content, the article enables insights on how emotions and identity add to knowledge production in international relations and how they do so differently with viewers of different identity backgrounds.

Mehrsprachige Forschungsarbeiten erfordern detaillierte Aufmerksamkeit für unterschiedliche Wege der Bedeutungskonstruktion sowie für die Rolle verschiedener (politischer) Kulturen. Darüber hinaus gilt es, sich durch zusätzliche Reflexionsprozesse der eigenen Rolle in der Interpretation bewusst zu werden und diese aktiv zu berücksichtigen. In diesem Artikel beschäftige ich mich mit den Herausforderungen der Durchführung einer qualitativen Inhaltsanalyse in mehr als einer Sprache. Der Beitrag basiert auf einem Forschungsprojekt zu Bedrohungswahrnehmungen und Feindbildkonstruktionen in der amerikanischen und deutschen Sicherheitspolitik zum internationalen Terrorismus nach dem 11.September. Dabei zeige ich die Entwicklung eines Kategoriensystems, in dem ich sowohl die unterschiedlichen Sprachen und (politischen) Kulturen als auch eigene Wege der Reflexion berücksichtige. ; In this article, I discuss the challenges of conducting a qualitative content analysis in more than one language. Doing research across languages requires detailed attendance to different ways of meaning-making and to the role of distinct (political) cultures. Furthermore, additional reflection is needed in order to become aware and consider one's own role in interpretation and meaning-making. Based on a research project on threat perceptions and enemy image constructions in American and German security policy relating to international terrorism after 9/11, I illustrate the development of a coding frame fitting to the distinct languages and (political) cultural backgrounds, as well as ways of reflection.

In this article, I discuss the challenges of conducting a qualitative content analysis in more than one language. Doing research across languages requires detailed attendance to different ways of meaning-making and to the role of distinct (political) cultures. Furthermore, additional reflection is needed in order to become aware and consider one's own role in interpretation and meaning-making. Based on a research project on threat perceptions and enemy image constructions in American and German security policy relating to international terrorism after 9/11, I illustrate the development of a coding frame fitting to the distinct languages and (political) cultural backgrounds, as well as ways of reflection.

Much of today's conflicts and challenges, globally and locally, can be in part attributed to or are influenced by the hegemony of Western over non-Western cultures and politics. Long-standing and still reproduced Western dominance and power are directed at the protection of own interests, thereby re-creating power imbalances, inequalities and practices of exclusion.

The article illustrates how U.S. security policy discourse constructs China and Russia as threats of distinct qualities. Since articulations of another state as threat can constitute boundaries towards that state and thus conflict potential, the article aims to contribute to our understanding of how perception, national identity, self-other and spatial constructions inform international state behavior. The article begins by outlining the concepts of perception, national identity, and self-other and spatial constructions. It then presents analytical results on constructions of China and Russia vis-à-vis the U.S. self-image, and. - closes with implications for contemporary security challenges. (S+F/Pll)

The articulation of difference between states, with its underlying identity and perception processes, impacts interstate relations. While a certain amount of difference can be tolerated in normal interstate relations, mistrust and past negative experiences with the other easily make difference into something threatening and the other into a threat. The article cross-analyses threat perceptions and threat narratives of the U.S. and of three Arab states vis-à-vis Iran. In illustrating existing self-other constructions and threat narratives with their processes of 'othering', it also considers implications for security. (S+F/Pll)