Suchergebnisse

In public policies there is growing attention to the problem of migration between nations. The article is based on exposing the relevant questions about immigration and citizenship and their constant, permanent and changing presence over time. It becomes crucial, then, to explain issues such as rights resulting from migration policies and their effects on Western democracies in recent years. In this context, numerous investigations and discoveries of transformations in the numbers of migrants and changes in the migratory policies of the different States arise. ; En políticas públicas existe una creciente atención por la problemática de las migraciones entre las naciones. El artículo se basa en exponer las preguntas relevantes acerca de la inmigración y la ciudadanía y su presencia constante, permanente y cambiante en el tiempo. Se torna crucial, entonces, explicar cuestiones como los derechos resultantes de las políticas migratorias y sus efectos en las democracias occidentales durante los últimos años. En este contexto, surgen numerosas investigaciones y descubrimientos de transformaciones en los números de los migrantes y los cambios de las políticas migratorias de los distintos Estados.

An enduring puzzle for scholars of Latin American policy reform asks how policy makers push through reforms with short term costs but long term benefits in mass democracies. Many answers have been given, including international pressures, cultural and ideational factors, the nature of political institutions, deceptive policy switches, and the power of concentrated interests. These explanations and others disregard the question of how policy elites attempt to build mass legitimacy for reforms through political communication strategies such as framing and agenda setting. In the case of Brazil, I argue, policy elites and media messages framed arguments about reform policies in terms of the consumer interest in competitive economic markets. I present an analysis of newspaper coverage of consumer issues in Brazil to show that attention to the critical competition frame increased during the first reform attempts under President Fernando Collor de Melo and, more clearly, during the main period of reforms under Fernando Henrique Cardoso.

In the context of restrictive immigration regimes and nationalist-populist politics, the international humanitarian obligation to consider migrants' claims for political asylum presents states with especially difficult challenges related to "vetting" and "monitoring" migrants. Given that these conditions are unlikely to end any time soon, some authors have suggested solutions to information asymmetries that might lead to effective and more humane outcomes to asylum and refugee crises. This paper evaluates one such proposal, the idea that migrants from "disfavored classes" be admitted in "circles of trust," groups of five or six people which could be held collectively responsible for the bad behavior of any individual member in the context of refugee and migrant policy in contemporary Argentina. Specifically, the paper compares a plan for Syrian refugees in place since 2015, and the reception of large numbers of Venezuelans since 2014. The paper concludes that "circles of trust" are fraught with perils, but that other non-traditional forms of vetting and monitoring might sometimes be humane and useful in particular situations.

We argue that the growing literature on emigrant policies should be linked to more general theoretical discussions of the expansion of formal citizenship. State responses to emigrants' claims for membership and voting rights resemble patterns of citizenship extension to other previously excluded groups, such as those without property, racial minorities, and women, insofar as emigrant citizenship has developed as a consequence of competitive regimes and international norms. We assess the 'global-norm hypothesis' (the idea that increasing emigrant inclusion has resulted from the emergence of a new international normative standard) and the 'contestation hypothesis' (the argument that higher levels of regime competition make states more likely to extend citizenship to emigrants). The latter has two associated expectations: the 'window-of-opportunity sub-hypothesis', which holds that regime transitions provide an especially propitious context for implementing emigrant citizenship, and the 'democratic-endurance sub-hypothesis', which posits that competitive regimes are likely to extend emigrant citizenship in a gradual process over time. We use a combination of statistical analysis and case studies of Armenia, Mexico, Spain, and the USA to evaluate these causal hypotheses as well as some plausible alternatives found in the literature on expatriate policies.

Scholarly consensus regarding Brazil's Lula government characterizes its economic policy as surprisingly conservative but its foreign policy as roughly in line with the traditionally leftist principles of the Workers' Party. While broadly accurate, this perspective tells us little about trade diplomacy, which cuts across these two policy areas. In this article we explain why Lula's trade diplomacy has hewed much more closely to his broader foreign policy strategy than his economic model, despite the critical role of trade in Brazil's recent economic growth. We argue that two key factors have lowered the costs of adopting a combative, South-South orientation, allowing Lula to use trade diplomacy as a tool for appealing to party loyalists. One is the inherently muted short-term impact of trade diplomacy on key macro-economic outcomes. The other is the failure of the traditional trading powers to offer the incentives necessary to successfully conclude the major North-South trade talks they had initiated.

As human rights norms increased in importance in the international system, the Protection of Civilians (POC) doctrine became the center of gravity in modern Peace Operations (PO), generating new organizational and structural demands on the United Nations (UN), on other international organizations, and on countries that contribute with troops and police (T/PCC). Can POC be understood as a "graft" onto a broader human rights norm? Has POC doctrine become institutionalized? Has the POC norm "cascaded?" Finally, how can we best observe the POC "cascade" and evaluate its effects on the success of peace missions? This article attempts to answer these questions from the perspective of norm evolution or norm life cycle theory, in dialogue with existing more institutionalist and technical as well as political conversations about the successes and failures of peace missions. Our method is a medium-N study of the evolution of PO mandates and reform processes since 1945. We focus on nine missions and three key reform documents (, (the Brahimi report of 2000, the High Independent Panel Peace Operations [HIPPO] report of 2015 and the Action for Peacekeeping [A4P] Initiative of 2019) and find that POC has followed a path consistent with the "life cycle" approach of international norms. To fully determine the extent to which POC has "cascaded" as an independent norm, we argue that it is essential to pay close attention to the boundaries between the strategic, operational, and tactical levels of peace operations. In particular, actors at the operational level play the crucial role of decodifying POC for forces who implement tactics on the ground.

We analyze Russia's communication strategies in the period leading up to and following the seizure (2014-2018) of the Crimean Peninsula in the Spanish editions of its digital platforms, Sputnik and Russia Times. Drawing from theories of political communication, we show how Russia used storytelling and framing to build an international image and political brand consistent with, and try to justify, its foreign policy actions. Specifically, Russian messages transmit no room for doubt about the legality of any of its strategies in Crimea. We argue that this communication strategy is consistent with the concept of 'sharp power' to describe Russian projection in the world. Cultural and emotional appeals designed to generate positive emotions about Russia, i.e., 'soft power', were far less common. In recent years, Russian projection of sharp power appears to have increased in the Spanish-speaking world, particularly in South America. In addition to helping explain Russian foreign policy, our findings contribute to broader debates about political branding and truth in a 'post-truth', multipolar world.