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The paper discusses the protests in 2013 in Brazil, drawing a parallel, as to its character of happening, with the events of May 1968. Cases of this type differ from traditional social movement leaders and the lack of precise focus. However, analyzing aspects of Brazilian society, local protests may be related to poor quality of public services and the state in general. Addressing this problem will not occur just from a technical perspective, as shown by the examples of other bumps and overruns in the past decades in the country, as the conquest of democracy, victory against inflation and social inclusion. ; O trabalho discute os protestos ocorridos em 2013 no Brasil, traçando um paralelo,quanto ao seu caráter de happening, com os eventos de Maio de 1968. Casos deste tipodiferem de movimentos sociais tradicionais pela ausência de líderes e de um focopreciso. Porém, analisando aspectos da sociedade brasileira, os protestos locais podemser relacionados à má qualidade dos serviços públicos e do Estado de maneira geral.O enfrentamento deste problema não poderá ocorrer apenas sob uma perspectivatécnica, conforme mostram os exemplos de outros embates e superações ocorridos nasúltimas décadas no país, como a conquista da democracia, a vitória contra a inflaçãoe a inclusão social.

AbstractIn this article we examine the true scope of the right Hobbes recognizes, even for the subjects of a State, to life. We hold that the right to live includes the subject's right not to accept to be deprived not only of life but also of limb; a right not to have to kill; a right not to accept to be imprisoned. The sovereign of course has a right to kill, mutilate and arrest but the conflict of his right and the subject's is an original feature of Hobbes's political thought, not to be found for instance in Locke's. Also, since life is motion and desire is a continual progress from one object to another, the mere survival of the subject is not enough to make him content once peace has been achieved. The expression of the subject's discontent is illegal, but it may happen since we can understand the right to live as a right to an ever more ambitious desire. The ruler who wants to avoid discontent and its uncivil effects should in a certain measure pave the way for economic development, in order to permit the subjects to at least partially attain their desire. Obviously this is not a moral duty of the sovereign, but a prudential one, if he does not want to risk losing his office.

Der Autor entwickelt in seinem Beitrag einige Überlegungen zur Internationalisierung der Forschung in Brasilien. Er beschreibt unter anderem die historischen und zum Teil gegenläufigen Entwicklungen der Geistes- und Naturwissenschaften, die Rolle der Sprache in den Humanwissenschaften, die Demokratisierungsprozesse und die Reform des brasilianischen Hochschulwesens sowie aktuelle Studienprogramme zur Förderung des internationalen Austausches. Er umreißt ferner die Perspektiven zur internationalen Zusammenarbeit und benennt einige Beispiele von Förderprogrammen an den Hochschulen. Für eine erfolgreiche internationale Kooperation sind seiner Meinung nach drei Bedingungen ausschlaggebend: (1) Förderung der Interdisziplinarität mit Forschern aus Philosophie, Anthropologie, Soziologie, Politikwissenschaft, Geschichte, Künste und Kommunikation, (2) Entwicklung von neuen Fragestellungen in der Forschungs- und Wissenschaftspolitik, die bisher eher in traditioneller Weise beantwortet worden sind, (3) Publikation von wissenschaftlichen Arbeiten auch in anderen Sprachen, die in der internationalen Wissenschaftsgemeinschaft anerkannt sind. (ICI).

The fact that half of the Latin American population has nowadays leftist governments does not mean they share the same international political agenda. There are strong differences between radicals (Hugo Chavez, Evo Morales, Fidel Castro) & moderates (Bachelet). Notwithstanding these governments have in common the priority of fighting social injustice. The means & methods through which they are pursuing these goals make a strong difference between the two leftist strains in Latin America. Adapted from the source document.

RESUMO Este artigo examina o caráter simbólico da nova moeda brasileira, o Real, cujo nome sugere sua ambição de não apenas representar um valor, mas ser a própria realidade. Além disso, a utilização de imagens naturais, em vez de históricas, no carimbo das novas notas indica o desejo de dar o caráter de realidade à moeda lançada em 1994, enquanto mostra a inflação como produto de uma imaginação desordenada. Portanto, a nova representação simbólica da moeda combina muito bem com o discurso político que sustenta o real.

This paper examines the symbolic character of the Brazilian new currency, the Real, whose name suggests its ambition to not only represent a value, but be a reality itself. Moreover, the utilization of natural pictures instead of historical scenes on the stamp of the new bills points out the wish of giving the character of reality to the currency launched in 1994, meanwhile it marks inflation as a product of disordered imagination. On that account, the new currency's symbolic representation matches very well with the political discourse that sustains the Real. (Rev Econ Polit/DÜI)