Suchergebnisse

How does vote choice and partisanship affect institutional trust in Taiwan? While the literature tackles institutional trust in democracies, analyses often focus on only one time period with aggregate measures of trust. Data from two waves from the Asian Barometer finds evidence consistent with losers' consent of trust in electoral institutions corresponding with party support and vote choice, factors that remain after controlling for trust in non-electoral institutions and generalized trust. However, these factors do not seem to affect overall satisfaction with democracy, suggesting the public differentiates between support for the ideal of democracy and its constituent parts.

How does satisfaction in COVID policies influence presidential evaluations? Taiwan's initial handling of the pandemic garnered considerable international attention, with initial high public satisfaction. Little attention, however, falls on how this satisfaction influenced evaluations of Taiwan's president, Tsai Ing-wen, over time. With nine survey waves from 2020 to 2022, this analysis finds that satisfaction with COVID policies corresponded with both greater satisfaction with and trust in Tsai; however, the impact of this satisfaction was smaller than on traditional policy areas.

How do South Koreans view efforts at combating misinformation on social media? The growing influence of social media companies and their willingness to engage in content moderation on their platforms expands the domain of free speech and information beyond government actions. Through original survey work, I find that South Koreans, across party lines, largely acknowledge concerns about misinformation on social media, with views on media freedom and support for defamation laws corresponding with responding to misinformation. However, little consensus emerges on what social media companies should do in response to misinformation.

AbstractWhat factors influence satisfaction with politics after elections? The literature on losers' consent consistently finds diverging perceptions between electoral winners and losers, but rarely disaggregates the electorate further into nonpartisan voters and nonvoters. In addition, the literature relies heavily on individual elections in isolation and thus is rarely able to address general trends. This study uses Korean General Social Survey (KGSS) data across multiple elections and finds electoral winners consistently have higher evaluations than those who identified and voted for electoral losers. This pattern holds after demographic controls and evaluations of the executive and legislative institutions as well. However, no consistent pattern emerges among nonpartisans and nonvoters.

What explains the success of the upstart People's Party in the 2016 Korean National Assembly election? Through preelection survey data, this article first identifies the demographic factors corresponding with support for the People's Party and how this differs from preexisting parties. Next, it elaborates on how the two‐vote electoral system may have benefitted the People's Party by encouraging voters to cast a party list vote for the party while casting a district vote for one of the larger parties, consistent with strategic voting. Further analysis shows that People's Party supporters that intended to vote for their party's district candidate, and thus cast a sincere rather than strategic district vote, were less likely than other partisans to split their votes across two parties.

ABSTRACTWhat explains the American public's support for military conflict with North Korea? Despite increased rhetoric, few analyses address American public opinion or whether priming the public to consider casualties influences their perceptions. The results of an experimental survey design suggest that mentioning the human cost—even without explicit references to American casualties—reduces support for American military action against North Korea but not broader perceptions of North Korea.

What explains ticket-splitting in South Korea's 2004 National Assembly election? While the mixed member systems literature generally focuses on strategic rationales to split ticketing, the role of contextual factors—in this case the impeachment of President Roh Moo-Hyun—remains largely unexplored. An analysis of Korea's first two-vote mixed system election from 2004 finds that, besides traditional strategic voting, approval of Roh's impeachment influenced strategic voting, but only among supporters of Roh's own party, the Uri Party.

To what extent do electoral institutions influence positions on same-sex marriage? Debates over same-sex marriage legislation have increased globally for the past 20 years, yet little research focuses on either debates in East Asia or the effect of electoral institutions. Using an original dataset on Taiwanese legislators and their public stances on same-sex marriage, this research finds that legislators elected under proportional representation (PR) are consistently more likely to support same-sex marriage laws than their counterparts elected in single-member districts (SMDs), even after controlling for partisanship. The results here not only highlight overlooked institutional influences on support, but also tie the broader literature on mixed-member systems to the growing research on same-sex marriage rights.

ABSTRACTAs publishing demands increase, so does the availability of open access predatory publishing options masquerading as reputable peer-review outlets. This article cautions against the broader consequences of predatory publishing and suggests means to control their influence.