Suchergebnisse

British Union of FascistsPost war; Consolidation and fragmentation: the National Front, 1967â#x80;#x93;; Contemporary British fascism; Chapter Four â#x80;#x98;Britainâ#x80;#x99; and â#x80;#x98;Britishâ#x80;#x99;: the protection of race and nation; Who is/isnâ#x80;#x99;t British: the surface and depths of British fascist nationalism; A Green and Pleasant Land; Women and the eugenic National project; Conclusion; Chapter Five A â#x80;#x98;real alternativeâ#x80;#x99;? Fascism and â#x80;#x98;Third Wayâ#x80;#x99; economics; Fascist political economies; Fascists on â#x80;#x98;communismâ#x80;#x99;; Fascists on â#x80;#x98;capitalismâ#x80;#x99;; The solution: national capitalism; Conclusion.

Abstract
This article analyses the rhetoric of speeches delivered by British politicians at televised national HMD commemorations. Following the recommendation of the Stockholm International Forum, since 2001, Britain has commemorated victims of the Holocaust and subsequent genocides every 27 January. The television broadcasts of the national commemoration both reflect and illuminate the complex processes of (national) histories, individual memory and collective remembrance, and the ways that they mediate and interact with each other in social and historic contexts. In addition to other genres (e.g. music, poetry readings, archival film), a speech is delivered by a prominent politician at each of these ceremonies. I argue that these speeches are examples of epideictic oratory, which provide politicians with the opportunity to communicate an understanding of the Holocaust as a catastrophe and a great affront to Our values. My rhetorical analysis focuses on the ways that politicians utilize two artistic means of persuasion: ethetic strategies, which place emphasis on their personal character; and logetic strategies, which aim to persuade through invoking arguments. I orientate to the ways that poorly selected ethetic and logetic strategies can disrupt the primary purpose of the epideictic speech: to communicate, and revivify, shared values.

This article examines the various programmes that British television and radio broadcast to mark Holocaust Memorial Day, between 2002 and 2016. Adopting a content analytic methodology, I quantified the broadcast schedules of 15 successive Holocaust Memorial Days, as recorded in archived copies of the Radio Times. My analysis reveals significant variations in mass-mediated Holocaust commemoration. Principally, I found a decrease in programming, despite a significant increase in the number of television channels; a tendency towards 'anniversarism' in the form and frequency of broadcast programmes; a stress on Auschwitz, as metonym of the Holocaust, and on survivors, children and music; and that commercial channels were significantly more likely to broadcast documentaries (and repeats) than the BBC's more varied and original outputs. These variations appear to be the result of three interlinked factors: First, a sense that the audience had grown weary of World War II commemoration, following saturation broadcasting of anniversaries in 2004 to 2005; changes in the management and programming priorities of key broadcasters, particularly the BBC; and that Holocaust Memorial Day has not yet become an established day for broadcasters in the nation's commemorative calendar.

This paper is closed access until 22 September 2019. ; This article explores what motivates ordinary people to become involved with commemorating Holocaust Memorial Day (HMD). Whilst there is an expanding academic literature on HMD, public commemoration and the memory work (and politics) of remembrance, a great deal of this commentary and analysis is offered from the first-hand perspective of academics writing about large scale public memorial or museum projects. There is, in contrast, very little published that examines small-scale public participation with HMD, including why people get involved in organising their own commemorative activities. Since 2005, the Holocaust Memorial Day Trust (HMDT) has been responsible for organising and promoting HMD commemoration in Britain and, as part of this brief, they organise free workshops across the UK for people interested in organising an activity to mark HMD. This article analyses interviews with the organisers and participants of three workshops that took place during the build up to HMD 2016. In this article, I focus in particular on the ways that interviewees orientate to questions of conscience, and the ways that their personal and political values accord with the aims of HMD. My paper suggests that pedagogic and political potentials of HMD are more varied than academic analysis has thus far suggested, and that further work is needed to explore the engagement of ordinary people in HMD commemoration.

This is a chapter from the book, Music as Multimodal Discourse. ; The vast majority of work examining identity and politics in musicology, and in popular music studies in particular, presumes and sometimes explicitly argues that music is personally and socially therapeutic – that since music enacts social identities it is a force for good, particularly in relation to marginalised groups. My chapter brings together two areas of critical examination: the sociological analysis of fascist music; and the concept 'recontextualisation', developed in discourse analytic literature, wherein the contents of one text reappear in another text. Meanings are formed in use; and so, through this process of 'textual borrowing', (partly) new meanings are produced. This chapter examines three ways in which this occurs in fascist song and music – through appropriation; through interpolation; and through ideological realignment – and will explore the functions that this, and the performance of song and music more generally, serves to fascist cultural projects.