Suchergebnisse

Intro -- Preface -- Contents -- Chapter 1: Introduction: A Maritime Foreign and Security Power in the Making? -- 1.1 Introduction -- 1.1.1 Questions and Relevance of the Book -- 1.1.2 The EU's Maritime Foreign and Security Policies -- 1.1.3 Cases -- 1.2 Questions, Analytical Frameworks, and Organization of the Book -- 1.2.1 A Brief Note on Methodology -- References -- Part I -- 1.1 What Characterizes EU Maritime Foreign and Security Policy? -- References -- Chapter 2: EU Maritime Foreign Policies Between Norms and Economic Interests: Piracy and Maritime Labour Standards -- 2.1 Introduction1 -- 2.2 Empirical Expectations -- 2.2.1 The Traditional Model: Economic Interests -- 2.2.2 The Humanitarian Model: Protecting Rights Through Law -- 2.3 Analysis2 -- 2.3.1 A Traditional Foreign Policy? -- 2.3.1.1 Economic Shipping Interests? -- 2.3.1.2 But Also Norms… -- 2.3.1.3 Hypocrisy? -- 2.3.2 A Humanitarian Maritime Foreign Policy? -- 2.3.2.1 Binding Global Law? -- 2.3.2.2 Domesticating International Relations? -- 2.3.2.3 A Law Enforcement Operation? -- 2.4 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 3: The EU's Naval Mission Sophia: A Humanitarian Operation to Help Refugees in Distress at Sea? -- 3.1 Introduction1 -- 3.2 EU Operation Sophia -- 3.2.1 Framework and Methodological Approach -- 3.2.2 Empirical Expectations -- 3.2.2.1 Interest-Based Mission: Pragmatic Arguments and Behaviour -- 3.2.2.2 Humanitarian Mission: Moral Arguments and Behaviour -- 3.2.3 Data -- 3.3 Analysis: A Humanitarian Mission to Help Refugees? -- 3.3.1 Aiming to Curb Migration? -- 3.3.2 A Humanitarian Mission? -- 3.4 Concluding Remarks -- References -- Chapter 4: A Maritime Global Commons Power in the Making? On the Characteristics of EU Policies Towards the High Seas: The Arctic and the Maritime Security Strategy -- 4.1 Introduction

Summary
The European Union (EU) has become a key player in space, second only to that of the USA. This article discusses what type of diplomatic actor the EU is in space by exploring whether it contributes to peaceful co-operation or if the EU — due to increasing geopolitical competition on Earth — is developing into a traditional realist actor. For this purpose, it applies three analytically distinct models of EU space policies, applicable also to other Global Commons areas. It finds that the EU does not treat space as an area of geopolitical competition. Instead, it contributes to space diplomacy through its focus on regulating and institutionalising space activities. However, rather than being driven by 'the space flight idea', the EU is committed to the peaceful development of space mainly for economic, strategic and societal purposes, in line with what one would expect of a liberal institutionalist actor.

AbstractThe European Union's (EU) Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) is run using special procedures. The Member States have not delegated powers to the supranational institutions. Yet a number of studies challenge the assumption that policy‐making lies exclusively with Member States' governments. The Commission's putative influence within the CFSP, however, remains to be studied systematically from an analytical perspective. Aiming to fill this gap in the literature, this article asks how the Commission de facto influences EU foreign and security policies beyond its delegated powers. Two least likely cases are analysed: the launch of EU naval mission Atalanta and the adoption of an EU Maritime Security Strategy. By adressing this question, the article contributes to a better understanding of the level of EU foreign policy integration. It also adds knowledge on the possible causes of this development, and thus to the EU integration literature more generally.

The aim of this article is to contribute to the further development of deliberative theory—to make it more applicable to research on EU integration—by establishing alternative and more concise micro-mechanisms to those of the rationalist bargaining perspectives. It is suggested that the micro-mechanism through which deliberation has an effect on outcomes is what is termed argument-based learning, which means that an actor accepts the validity of a presented argument so that (s)he acts upon it. Moreover, the article differentiates between three types of argument-based learning considered relevant in the EU context. On this basis, it suggests a two-step analytical approach for studies of EU decision-making processes. In trying out the empirical relevance of the framework, it is applied to a case where one would not expect agreements on common EU policies to have been reached due to argument-based learning, namely EU coordination towards the Maritime Labour Convention (MLC). The framework proved helpful in accounting for agreements that are puzzling from a rationalist perspective.