Suchergebnisse

The revolt that members and supporters of the leftist movement EAM-ELAS staged in Athens in early December 1944 against the Greek royal and British forces ushered into the second "round" of the civil war in Greece. The developments in the neighborhood draw much attention in Yugoslavia, where the war of liberation was in its final phases in parallel with the elimination of political rivals to the new government in which communists played a central role. This attention was not only a result of ideological solidarity, it also had to do with the "Macedonian Question", i.e. the position of Slavic Macedonian minority in northern Greece, an issue that had aroused a debate between Greek and Yugoslav communists in 1944. Difficulties in relations between the Yugoslav partisan leadership and the British, pressure from London, the passivity of the Soviet Union as regards the developments in Athens, a stalemate on the Srem Front, fights with the remaining collaborationist forces, compelled Yugoslavia to take a reserved position and avoid direct involvement in Greece. Appeals of Greek communists for aid in military supplies, promised on the eve of the revolt, failed to provoke a tangible response of the Yugoslav leadership. Once the revolt was crushed by the British and a truce between the EAM-ELAS and the royal government signed a wave of migration to Yugoslavia ensued of the borderland civilian Slavic Macedonian population but also of several thousand radical Greek leftists unwilling to accept the Varkiza agreement.

Abstract
The author revisits works produced during the time of socialist Yugoslavia to assess the historiographical literature on the German occupation regimes there. He concludes that since Yugoslavia's demise there has been hardly any evolution towards a more solid nor more differentiated historiography such as would meet international standards. To be sure, significant new research has been produced, but it has been hampered by the narrow and often difficult academic frameworks that have existed in the last twenty-five years. Scholars have been expected to respond to the new nationalized agendas of the successor states, and have seen few structural incentives to link their work to international research networks, or to the work of their colleagues in neighbouring countries. The author's focus is the German occupation of Serbia, but he includes some examples of scholars whose focus is German-occupied Slovenia, or the Independent State of Croatia, and he keeps in perspective the wider (Southeast) European contexts.

Na primeru jugoslovenskog igranog filma 'Majka Katina', snimanog 1948-1949. godine, po scenariju Oskara Daviča, u režiji Nikole Popovića, posvećenog borbi grčkih komunista u građanskom ratu koji je vođen u Grčkoj 1946-1949, praćen je onos ideologije, politike i filmske umetnosti prvih godina posle Drugog svetskog rata. Film, snimljen po kanonu 'socijalističkog realizma', kao jasna propagandna poruka, zbog sukoba oko Informbiroa nikada nije dospeo pred publiku. Postao je jedna od 'kolateralnih žrtava' promenjenih političkih okolnosti i kao propagandno neadekvatan završio u 'bunkeru'. ; The complexity and ambivalence of the Yugoslav attitude towards the Greece during the period of the Civil War was deeply influenced by the fact that Yugoslav Communists saw dramatic events in the southern neighborhood as a continuation of the revolutionary processes which they had started and finished by seizing the power. Their active policy toward the Greek crisis was at the same understood as 'internationalist obligation' which required different ways of active, material and political support to the Greek communist movement. One of these activities was broad and diverse propaganda, which included division be­tween 'Good Greeks' and 'Bad Greeks' in the Yugoslav satirical magazines. But, the most ambitious propaganda project was realized 1948 - shooting the film with the title Mother Katina. The script was based on the one other broadly distributed product of pro-Greek Democratic Army and KKE Yugoslav propaganda/the book of the writer and publicist Oskar Davičo, 'With the General Markos' Partisans', published in1947 in Serbo-Croat and other South Slav languages but also in English, Russian and French and distributed in foreign countries through Yugoslav diplomatic channels. The film about the 'typical Greek mother' and her sons, dedicated to the struggle against 'monarchofascists' and their 'imperialist masters' offer a broad possibilities for analysis of the esthetic and ideological contents. Authors, producer Nikola Popovic and ...

Prilog je posvećen otvaranju pitanja položaja žene u ideologiji, propagandni i praksi kolaboracionističkog režima u Srbiji tokom Drugog svetskog rata. ; The paper deals with the analysis of opinions on the place and role of women in the Serbian society which were proffered during WWII by some of the leading figures of the collaborationist regime and public personages in propaganda statements or in texts published in the press and in journals. In them any kind of female 'outstepping' of the narrow boundaries of the patriarchal, traditional society and the behavior, above all of the educated urban part of the female population, was severely criticized as 'decadent' and 'anational'. In the plans for creation of a 'householder' state of estates of the collaborationist administration of general Milan Nedić, who was the local instrument of the German occupational policy, further reduction of anyway narrow social space which had been conquered during the inter-war period, was foreseen for women. Such 'restructuring' of the Serbian society in order to include it into the 'German New European Order' in the future had to lead to its 'reruralisation' in social and political sense, as well as to the conservation of a patriarchal and traditional system in which the place of women would be reduced to those roles seen and stressed as ft and 'natural', connected with their biological role and that of the 'preservers of the hearth'. The authors espousing these views accused foreign influences which arrived through curriculum of Yugoslav school and particularly through female teachers of non-Serbian origin, for 'deviations in education' of both male and female youth during the inter-war period. They were part of the tendency to discard and discredit the whole experience of living in the common, Yugoslav state as tragic deviation and a 'historical mistake' of the Serbian political elite. Views on women's place in the policy of Serbian collaborationists and circles close to them, remained within limits of ultraconservative, nationalist ideas with ideological additions from those gamut of ideas hailing from the centres of the Fascist ideology.

Rad je posvećen razmatranju uticaja američke Trumanove doktrine na tok građanskog rata u Grčkoj (1946-1949) i uključivanju ove balkanske države u novi strateški sistem osiguranja daljeg prodora sovjetskog uticaja na prostor istočnog Mediterana i na Bliski istok. Praćene su i reakcije Jugoslavije koja je bila glavni logistički oslonac ustaničke Demokratske armije Grčke i zauzimala strateški i ideološki ključni položaj u sovjetskom balkanskom podsistemu 'narodnih demokratija'. Grčka kriza u drugoj polovini pete decenije 20. stoleća bila je najozbiljniji sukob koji je obeležio početak hladnog rata u Evropi. ; The inclusion of Greece into the American strategy of strengthening of the 'Northern Tier' by launching of the Truman Doctrine was very important for the further course of the civil war gripping this Balkan country since the spring of 1946. Like other countries in the Soviet sphere of influence Yugoslavia greeted the new American doctrine as an expression of the growing imperialist ambitions of the militarily and economically strongest state of the post-war world. It was criticized as tools for stifling progressive movements, being particularly dangerous because if found its field of activity in the Balkans. Yugoslav politicians deemed that the American advent to the Balkans in the place of the exhausted British, had created a much more dangerous situation, not only for the cause of the Greek Communists who enjoyed moral and material aid of the neighboring Communist states, but also for their Balkan neighbors, including Yugoslavia which was heavily involved in the Greek crisis. With massive financial and material aid, primarily in military equipment and weapons and under supervision of the American military mission, the Greek National Army was reorganized and the strategy in fighting the leftist guerilla was changed. However, this failed to yield the expected results throughout 1947 and 1948. In January 1949 General A. Papagos was appointed the supreme commander of the National Army. He finished the reorganization of the Army, fortified the discipline and the morale of the officer corps and used effectively large resources of the American military aid for crushing the enemy. During 1949 the renewed and consolidated National Army finally defeated the forces of the leftist Democratic Army which signified the end of the civil war. Greece continued building up and modernizing its armed forces by joining NATO (together with Turkey) in 1952 regardless of their 'non-Atlantic' geo-strategic character and continuing to play the role in the Cold War which was assigned them by the Truman Doctrine. The change of course of the Yugoslav foreign policy caused by the split with Soviet Union and turning toward establishing relations with the West, caused the overt criticizing of the Truman Doctrine to gradually disappear from the political and propagandist rhetoric.

Kritika otuđenog grada, kao središta moralne, nacionalne i rasne degeneracije, jedno je od opštih mesta ideologije i propagande radikalno desnih pokreta i ideologija, s različitim ishodištima i dugom predistorijom. Deo ove šarolike slike čini pokušaj srpskog kolaboracionističkog režima tokom Drugog svetskog rata da svoj ideološki oslonac izgradi na elementima jedne autoritarne, nacionalističke, "organske", "staleške" i "domaćinske" Srbije. Njeni zagovornici većinom su pripadali krugu oko Dimitrija Ljotića, vođe "Zbora", i zauzimali visoke položaje u kolaboracionističkoj administraciji. Oni odbacuju demokratiju, liberalizam i parlamentarizam, kao nametnute modele "otuđenog Zapada". Nasuprot urbanom Vavilonu, u kojem se mešaju nacionalnosti, religije, kulture i rase, ugrožavajući na taj način biološke osnove nacije i "čistotu krvi", stoji selo kao primordijalni, nepromenljivi princip, u kome su konzervirane sve autentične vrline nacije–rase. Grad i "otuđena inteligencija" krivci su i za uvoz komunizma, "kvarenje omladine" i žensku emancipaciju, kao i za "promašaj 1918"– stvaranje jugoslovenske države. "Povratak državi-zadruzi", utemeljenoj na trojstvu Bog-kralj-domaćin, uz temeljito "čišćenje" od svih stranih uticaja, po shvatanjima ideologa i propagandista srpskog "nacionalnog socijalizma", omogućiće ponovno nacionalno uzdizanje i – članstvo u zajednici "nove Evrope" pod vođstvom nacionalsocijalističke Nemačke. ; A critique of an alienated city as a center of moral, national and race degeneration is one of common points of ideologies and propagandas of radically right movements and ideologies with different origins and long pre-history. A part of this various colored picture is an attempt of Serbian collaboration regime during the Second World War to build its ideological framework on elements of an authoritarian, nationalistic, "organic", "estate" and "domestic" Serbia. Its representatives mostly belonged to the circle around Dimitrije Ljotić, leader of "Zbor" and occupied high positions in the collaborationist administration. Refusing democracy, liberalism and parlamentarism as forced models of "alienated West", they were on the road of a general anti-Western critique, as it was lead from the centers of "New Europe", Berlin and Rome and their small European vassal allies. In contrast to the urban Babylon, in which nationalities, religions, cultures and races mix, threatening in this was the biological basis of nations and "purity of blood", stands village as the primordial, unchangeable principle in which all authentic values of nation-race are conserved. The city and "alienated intelligence" are to blame for the import of communism, for "bad influence on the youth" and women emancipation and for the "1918 mistake" – creation of the Yugoslav country. A "return to state-community", founded on the trinity God-King-Host, with total "cleansing" of all foreign influences, according to conceptions of ideologists and propagandists of Serbian "national-socialism" will enable a new national uprising and membership in the community of "New Europe" lead by nationalsocial Germany.

U dugim, često protivurečnim diskusijama o problemu jevrejskih izbeglica iz srednjoevropskih zemalja od 1938. godine koje su vođene u vladi Kraljevine Jugoslavije, ali i na različitim "nižim nivoima vlasti" (banovinske, sreske i mesne vlasti), uz učešće različitih posredno ili neposredno zainteresovanih učesnika, čiji se krug pred ulazak u rat 1941. godine znatno proširio, govorilo se o položaju nekoliko kategorija lica sa stranim državljanstvom (ili bez ikakvog državljanstva). Uz "prave izbeglice" i emigrante postavljano je pitanje statusa "jevrejskih turista" iz Nemačke, Austrije, Čehoslovačke, ali i susednih jugoistočno-evropskih država, kao i Palestine. U pokušajima da se dođe do, po jugoslovensku državu zadovoljavajućeg rešenja, odslikavale su se i sve nedoumice jugoslovenskih vlasti u pronalaženju sredstva za "neutralisanje problema" jevrejskih izbeglica, koje su od dolaska nacionalsocijalista na vlast u Nemačkoj 1933. godine pristizale i na jugoslovenske granice.

The often controversial discussions about the problem of the Jewish refugees from Central European countries since 1938 - held at the level of the Government of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, but also at different "lower administrative levels" (provinces, districts, and local municipalities), with the participation of various directly or indirectly interested parties, whose numbers grew considerably on the eve of the war in 1941 - including the issue of the status of several categories of persons with foreign citizenship (or with no citizenship at all). Apart from the "real refugees" and immigrants, these discussions also dwelled on the issue of the status of "Jewish tourists" from Germany, Austria, the Czech Republic, the neighboring Yugoslav states as well as Palestine. The attempts to find the most favorable solution for the state of Yugoslavia reflected all the dilemmas of the Yugoslav authorities about how to "neutralize the problem" of the Jewish refugees from Germany, who after the National Socialists' rise to power, in 1933, began arriving to the Yugoslav borders, too.

The revolt that members and supporters of the leftist movement EAM-ELAS staged in Athens in early December 1944 against the Greek royal and British forces ushered into the second "round" of the civil war in Greece. The developments in the neighborhood draw much attention in Yugoslavia, where the war of liberation was in its final phases in parallel with the elimination of political rivals to the new government in which communists played a central role. This attention was not only a result of ideological solidarity, it also had to do with the "Macedonian Question", i.e. the position of Slavic Macedonian minority in northern Greece, an issue that had aroused a debate between Greek and Yugoslav communists in 1944. Difficulties in relations between the Yugoslav partisan leadership and the British, pressure from London, the passivity of the Soviet Union as regards the developments in Athens, a stalemate on the Srem Front, fights with the remaining collaborationist forces, compelled Yugoslavia to take a reserved position and avoid direct involvement in Greece. Appeals of Greek communists for aid in military supplies, promised on the eve of the revolt, failed to provoke a tangible response of the Yugoslav leadership. Once the revolt was crushed by the British and a truce between the EAM-ELAS and the royal government signed a wave of migration to Yugoslavia ensued of the borderland civilian Slavic Macedonian population but also of several thousand radical Greek leftists unwilling to accept the Varkiza agreement.

Pobuna grčkih levičara (EAM, ELAS) u Atini, britanska intervencija i zaokret u stavu novog jugoslovenskog vođstva od neskrivenih simpatija prema pobunjenicima do pasivizacije usled pritisaka iz Londona i "signala" iz Moskve. ; The uprising of the followers of the Greek Left Movement EAM/ELAS and the British intervention that followed, at the beginning of December 1944 in Athens, opened the "second round" of the Greek civil conflict. In this way additional elements were introduced into the complicated Balkan situation, both in Balkan communists' relations, and the new Yugoslav leadership, (the unified government after the implementation of the Tito-Subasic agreement), within which the decisive role was played by the representatives of the National Liberation Movement together with their British allies and the USSR. Besides its undisclosed sympathies for the Greek communists' cause, the Yugoslav Partisan leadership and the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY) were forced to hold a passive attitude, due to the British pressure, as well as because of "signals" coming from Moscow. The coinciding of the Athens conflicts and the initiated issue of the possible creation of a Yugoslav-Bulgarian federation, coupled with unavoidable initiatives regarding the "Macedonian issue", allegations by the Greek government and the British for suspected initiative plans for the annexion of Greek Macedonia, misunderstandings between the Partisan leadership and the British, war operations on the Yugoslav territory conducted on the Srem Front, all influenced a situation where Josip Broz remained heedless to Greek communists' appeals for help. It also represented bowing down to Stallin's line in respect of the agreement with Churchill made in October 1944 in Moscow. The insufficiently consolidated Yugoslav side was not sufficiently ready at the time to engage more actively in the Greek crisis.

Prilog je posvećen delovanju Eisatzstab Reichsleiter Rosenberg fur Sudost u Beogradu 1943-1944. godine, koje se svodilo na pljačku kulturnog i umetničkog blaga, pre svega onog koje je pripadalo Jevrejima u Srbiji. Drugi deo rada bavi se problemom pronalaženja i restitucije kulturnog i umetničkog blaga odnešenog iz Jugoslavije tokom Dragog svetskog rata. ; Based on scarce documents that have been preserved in the Bundesarchiv in Berlin, the author examines the activity of the Einsatzab Reichsleiter Rosenberg (ERR) during World War II in Serbia, and particularly in Belgrade. The task of these 'special purpose headquarters' was looting Jewish property, and 'collecting' works of cultural, artistic, or scientific value which together with the property stolen in other occupied European countries was transported to the many secret repositories in the Third Reich, but also ended up in the private collections of powerful Nazi leaders. The available documents refer only to the period 1943-44 i.e., the final phase of ERR activity of this type in Serbia The second part of the contribution deals with the poorly organized and slow actions undertaken by the new Yugoslav government after the war to achieve the restitution of the stolen valuables from the zones under Western occupation in Germany. The Yugoslav documents show only an inkling of the activity on the part of the most prominent figure in this respect, that of Ante (Mate) Topic Mimara.

Kraljevina Jugoslavija je zahvaljujući svom položaju bila jedna od najvažnijih tranzitnih stanica kroz koju su od 1933, zadržavajući se kraće ili duže vreme, prošle desetine hiljada jevrejskih emigranata i izbeglica. Za njihov prihvat i pružanje pomoći angažovane su sve ljudske i materijalne snage malobrojne Jugoslovenske jevrejske zajednice koju su samo delom u ovom velikom poduhvatu potpomagale međunarodne jevrejske i nejevrejske humanitarne organizcije. Odnos jugoslovenskih vlasti prema jevrejskim izbeglicama i emigrantima iz srednjoevropskih država u periodu 1938-1941 u najvećoj meri bio je određen spoljnopolitičkim faktorima i njihovim uticajem na politiku jugoslovenske vlade. Promene režima izdavanja viza za ulazak ili tranzit preko jugoslovenske teritorije zavisile su od promena zakonodavstva zemalja iz kojih su stizali emigranti, izbeglice i 'turisti' jevrejskog porekla. Na jugoslovenski vladu vršen je pritisak, pre svega iz Nemačke, da uvede izmene statusa domaće jevrejske zajednice, što se konačno dogodilo 1940. donošenjem nekoliko zakonskih uredbi kojim je bitno narušena ravnopravnost Jevreja u kraljevini Jugoslaviji. Na drugoj strani, od Britanaca su stizali zahtevi da se spreči korišćenje jugoslovenske teritorije za tranzit jevrejskih emigranata na njihovom putu ka Palestini koja se nalazila pod britanskom upravom. Deo dilema koje su se javile oko tretmana prema Jevrejima koji su stizali pre svega iz Nemačke, Austrije i Čehoslovačke, moguće je pratiti i kroz rad vladinih interministerijalnih konferencija, izjava i stavova predstavnika najviših državnih vlasti uticajnih pojedinaca, predstavnika Jevrejske zajednice, kao i predstavnika pojedinih privrednih delatnosti koje su za izbeglički problem bile zainteresovane iz pragmatičnih razloga (turističke organizacije, transportne kompanije i slično). Stavovi u diskusijama vođenim na različitim nivoima o izbegličkom pitanju nisu bili jednoobrazni; kroz njihovu različitost prelamale su se i sve dileme izazvana ovim problemom. Mere vlade bile su pre svega restriktivne, u skladu s 'rešenjima' koja su imala za cilj skretanje talasa jevrejskih izbeglica na drugu stranu. Takve mere su primenjivale s manje ili više oštrine sve zemlje koje su bile prinuđene da posluže kao privremeno ili stalno utočište stotinama hiljada jevrejskih beskućnika. Ovakvi stavovi svedoče o opštoj atmosferi vremena, koje je bilo uvod u ratnu tragediju i stradanje ne samo nekoliko miliona evropskih Jevreja, već i mnogo miliona nejevreja. Svedoče i o političkoj i moralnoj nesposobnosti tadašnjeg sveta koji nije bio spreman ni da se otvoreno suprotstavi nacističkoj antisemitističkoj politici, niti da prihvati žrtve takve politike i pruži im sigurnost i utočište. ; The geographical position of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia made it one of the principal transit stations for thousands of Jewish emigrants and refugees who passed through it from 1933 onwards and who made it their sanctuary for various lengths of time. The entire human and material resources of the small Jewish community in Yugoslavia were employed in receiving and aiding these people, with only partial assistance from international Jewish and non-Jewish humanitarian organizations. The attitude of Yugoslav authorities towards Jewish refugees and emigrants from central European countries in the period between 1938 and 1941 was largely determined by factors in foreign politics and their effect on the policy of the Yugoslav government. Changes in the system of issuing entry or transit visas for Yugoslavia depended on changes in he legislation of countries from which the emigrants, refugees and 'tourists' of Jewish origin came. Pressure was exerted on the Yugoslav government, mainly by Germany, to alter the status of the domestic Jewish community. Consequently, in 1940 several regulations were introduced which seriously undermined the Jews's equal status in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. On the other hand, demands were also made by the British to prevent the use of Yugoslav territory for the transit of Jewish emigrants going to Palestine, which was than under British rule. A part of the dilemma regarding the treatment of Jews, coming primarily from Germany, Austria and Czechoslovakia, can be found in the work of interministerial government conferences, in the statements and attitudes of the highest-ranking government authorities, of influential individuals, members of the Jewish community and representatives of some branches of trade who held a chiefly pragmatic interest in he problem of refugees (tourist organizations transportation companies etc). The attitudes which surfaced in discussions held at various levels regarding the issue of refugees were not uniform their variety demonstrating the complexity of the problem. Government measures, in accordance with 'solutions' hose purpose was to turn away the oncoming stream of refugees, were mostly restrictive and were applied, with varying severity, by all countries forced to serve as temporary or permanent sanctuaries to hundreds of thousands of homeless Jews. These attitudes indicate the general atmosphere of the time immediately preceding the horrors of war and the tragedy not only ofseveral million European Jews but likewise, of millions of non-Jews. They are also proof of the political and moral weakness of the world, which neither defied the anti-Semitic politics of Nazism nor wished to receive the victims of these politics and offer them shelter and security.