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Background: The American psychiatrist Loren R. Mosher has passed to posterity as an eager proponent of a psychosocial approach to psychosis. The best example of this is the Soteria project that he founded in San Jose, California, in the 1970s. The contribution of Alma Zito Menn, ACSW, also merits attention as project director of Soteria and for her links to the Mental Research Institute, Palo Alto. She was later replaced as program director by Voyce Hendrix, LCSW, when she turned to other preoccupations linked to the grant continuation of Soteria. Equally, the nonprofessional staff of the facility should receive appreciation. Aim/objective: Bearing this in mind, the main aim of this paper is to reflect upon the Soteria project, giving voice to Mosher himself, while simultaneously connecting his ideas with other empirical works that have been published on this topic in recent decades. Methods: Using a selection from the extant literature assessing the implementation and outcomes of adapting Soteria-elements to different settings, I present here provisional results obtained from current research. First, I expound what Mosher hoped to achieve in creating Soteria and why it worked. In this respect, I go beyond what is commonly reported in scholarly works, where the Soteria project is considered without paying too great attention to its main architect, as if the project could be separated from the man who created it. Results and conclusions: As I have corroborated here, there is today growing and promising scientific evidence validating the principles of the Soteria project. Undoubtedly, this would not have been possible without the pioneering work of Mosher, who, imbued with the tenets of interpersonal phenomenology, shook the psychiatric establishment, leading others to follow the path that he had begun.

Background: In the summer of 1978 a large 1-day event was scheduled to take place in the Grand Ballroom at the Hilton Hotel in Park Lane, London between the psychotherapists Carl R. Rogers (1902–1987), and his associates, and Ronald D. Laing (1927–1989) and his group. From among all the eyewitness accounts of that meeting, I have found only the testimonies of Maureen O'Hara, Ian Cunningham, Charles Elliot, and Emmy van Deurzen. According to O'Hara, Laing behaved in a rude, impolite, and aggressive way toward his American colleague Rogers. For his part, Cunningham says that Rogers came over as he had expected: a genuinely nice, caring, humane person. Laing, though, was even more impressive in person than in his books. Similarly, Elliot observes that Laing and Rogers held a genuine encounter, one in which both sat like two real mutually respecting persons who asked each other questions, while the perspective of van Deurzen is more in line with that of O'Hara than that of Elliot. Aims: Taking into account the different versions given on the Laing-Rogers event, I will analyze whether this encounter was only an unfortunate meeting or something else. Methods: Narrative review; combining eyewitness accounts with the few sources found in the literature on this topic. Results/conclusions: As I will show here, all these accounts taken jointly paint a picture of Laing as a brilliant clinician and as a terrible man. Without exculpating Laing for committing all sorts of mischief, I will offer a tentative account of his behavior sustained by his own psychic dynamics. In doing so, I will attempt to explain why Laing reacted in so censurable a way, going beyond Thomas S. Szasz's (1920–2012) condemnation in his essay on antipsychiatry, which gives credence only to O'Hara's version without quoting more sources or posing more questions.

Background: The Italian anti-institutional psychiatric movement is closely associated with the name of F. Basaglia, whom Szasz in his 188-page essay on antipsychiatry labels a 'real phony' (in similar terms to others considered antipsychiatrists such as D. Cooper, R. Laing, E. Goffman and M. Foucault). Specifically, Szasz says of Basaglia and his work in psychiatry that it's a 'prevarication-illusion about the end of asylum psychiatry in Italy'. Aim/objective: The aim of this paper is to determine whether Szasz's assessments were reliably based on scholarly knowledge of Basaglia's psychiatric work, or can better be attributed to Szasz's misrepresentation of his Italian colleague. Methods: In considering this question, the paper is timely but, more importantly, it is also unique in considering Basaglia and Szasz together. It is beyond the scope of this article to examine Basaglia's career in detail, and references to it will be made only to clarify Szasz's assertions regarding Basaglia. Results and conclusions: As I will show here, Szasz misconstrued the Basaglian project for a new kind of psychiatry, and for the transformation and closure of the old asylum system. This erroneous view of Basaglia by Szasz is partly associated with his idea that Basaglia and other antipsychiatrists were supported by the modern socialist-therapeutic State.

Media capture occurs when elites exert (in)direct actions to suppress or to disseminate (un)favorable information (Besley & Prat, 2006; Corneo, 2006). The importance of media capture at critical junctures, such as electoral processes, has been decisive. When media is captured the voting decisions of individuals are affected by the information they received (Besley & Prat, 2006a, p. 721; Enikolopov, Petrova, & Zhuravskaya, 2011). This is particularly relevant in Central America, where most people's information about political parties, ideologies and politics comes from the media (Becerra, Mastrini, & D'Alessandro, 2009; Rockwell & Janus, 2003; Sandoval García, 2008). Also, literature on elites has demonstrated how elections are crucial in business elites' strategies, especially when their power derives from the control they exert over the state (Acemoglu & Robinson, 2006; Bull, 2014; Durand, 2016). Thus, media capture is crucial for elites during elections because that is the time when their influence may be jeopardized. This research analyzes and explores how and to what extent elites in Central America capture the media when they feel threatened during elections. It studies media capture strategies before and during the 2014 presidential elections in Costa Rica and El Salvador. The study offers a fresh perspective on elites and their strategies, and their interactions with counter-elites and media networks. In the rest of this research, I show that elites have different strategies at their disposal for media capture and that their chances to successfully do so drastically increase when they are more cohesive and when there a network in place that constrains opposing voices. This, in turn, strongly augments their capacity to influence the society. In Costa Rica, coordinated media capture occurred because elites were cohesive, and the type of networks woven by elites and media are so called elitist. On the contrary, in El Salvador, the fragmentation of elites since 2009 and a pluralist media network turned media capture into an arena of fierce dispute among elites and counter-elites. This research employs a mixed method approach with the primary goal of building upon and complementing each method. Analysis and data collection methods techniques included interviews with elites that provide new empirical evidence on the strategies' elites employed to capture the media. Historical analysis to understand the historically grounded explanations of elites' cohesion. Finally, Social Network Analysis (SNA) was a tool to map and uncover the ties among elites and media. ; UCR::Investigación::Unidades de Investigación::Ciencias Sociales::Instituto de Investigaciones Sociales (IIS)

"Media Capture" findet statt, wenn Eliten (in-)direkte Strategien aufwenden, um vorteilhafte Informationen zu verbreiten oder unvorteilhafte Informationen zu unterdrücken (Besley & Prat, 2006; Corneo, 2006). Die Bedeutung von "Media Capture" zu kritischen Zeitpunkten, wie beispielsweise Wahlperioden, hatte bereits entscheidende Auswirkungen in der Vergangenheit. Im Fall von "Media Capture" ist die Wahlentscheidung von Individuen durch die Informationen die diese beziehen, beeinflusst (Besley & Prat, 2006a, p. 721; Enikolopov et al., 2011). Dies ist insbesondere in Zentralamerika relevant, wo der Großteil der ohnehin eingeschränkten Informationen der Menschen im Hinblick auf politische Parteien, Ideologien und Politik im Allgemeinen, aus den Medien stammen (Besley & Prat, 2006a, p. 721; Enikolopov et al., 2011). Bestehende Fachliteratur zu Eliten zeigt die essentielle Bedeutung politischer Wahlen in den Strategien der Wirtschaftselite, insbesondere wenn diese sehr abhängig davon ist, das Land zu kontrollieren (Acemoglu & Robinson, 2006; Bull, 2014; Durand, 2016). Daher ist "Media Capture" besonders wesentlich für Eliten, wenn politische Wahlen anstehen, da zu dieser Zeit ihr Einfluss unter Umständen bedroht wird. Diese Forschungsarbeit analysiert und erforscht wie, und zu welchem Ausmaß, Eliten "Media Capture" betreiben, wenn sie sich bedroht fühlen, am Beispiel der Präsidentschaftswahlen 2014 in Costa Rica und El Salvador. Diese Studie bietet eine frische Perspektive auf Eliten und deren Strategien sowie auf Anti-Eliten und Mediennetzwerke. In diesem Forschungsprojekt zeige und argumentiere ich, dass Eliten bezüglich "Media Capture" verschiedene Strategien in ihrem Repertoire haben und dass ihre Erfolgschancen sich verändern und drastisch erhöhen, sobald sie vereint vorgehen, und wenn es eine Art Netzwerk gibt, welches Gegenstimmen einschränkt. Dies wiederum erweitert drastisch ihre Kapazitäten, die Gesellschaft zu beeinflussen. Wie der Fall von Costa Rica zeigt, findet koordinierte "Media ...

Media capture occurs when elites exert (in)direct actions to suppress or to disseminate (un)favorable information (Besley & Prat, 2006; Corneo, 2006). The importance of media capture at critical junctures, such as electoral processes, has been decisive. When media is captured the voting decisions of individuals are affected by the information they received (Besley & Prat, 2006a, p. 721; Enikolopov, Petrova, & Zhuravskaya, 2011). This is particularly relevant in Central America, where most people's information about political parties, ideologies and politics comes from the media (Becerra, Mastrini, & D'Alessandro, 2009; Rockwell & Janus, 2003; Sandoval García, 2008). Also, literature on elites has demonstrated how elections are crucial in business elites' strategies, especially when their power derives from the control they exert over the state (Acemoglu & Robinson, 2006; Bull, 2014; Durand, 2016). Thus, media capture is crucial for elites during elections because that is the time when their influence may be jeopardized. This research analyzes and explores how and to what extent elites in Central America capture the media when they feel threatened during elections. It studies media capture strategies before and during the 2014 presidential elections in Costa Rica and El Salvador. The study offers a fresh perspective on elites and their strategies, and their interactions with counter-elites and media networks. In the rest of this research, I show that elites have different strategies at their disposal for media capture and that their chances to successfully do so drastically increase when they are more cohesive and when there a network in place that constrains opposing voices. This, in turn, strongly augments their capacity to influence the society. In Costa Rica, coordinated media capture occurred because elites were cohesive, and the type of networks woven by elites and media are so called elitist. On the contrary, in El Salvador, the fragmentation of elites since 2009 and a pluralist media network turned media capture into an arena of fierce dispute among elites and counter-elites. This research employs a mixed method approach with the primary goal of building upon and complementing each method. Analysis and data collection methods techniques included interviews with elites that provide new empirical evidence on the strategies' elites employed to capture the media. Historical analysis to understand the historically grounded explanations of elites' cohesion. Finally, Social Network Analysis (SNA) was a tool to map and uncover the ties among elites and media.

Background: In a highly technical civilization like ours, in which the interest in human communication transcends academic barriers and clinical practice, it seems necessary to look back to Ruesch's work in psychiatry. The main reason of it rests upon the idea that he was one of the few truly outstanding clinicians, researchers, and theoretical in the field of normal and abnormal communication. In fact, he did not only present a wealth of observational and clinical data; more importantly, he used these data to formulate creative hypotheses about the conflict between man and other human beings. Aim/Objective: The main purpose of this article is to pay tribute to Dr. Jurgen Ruesch (1909-1995), distinguished psychiatrist, communications experts and psychotherapist. For that reason, here we want to pay tribute to the enormous value of his work for the promotion of mental health and the clinical assessment of normal and pathological communication behavior. Methods: In working out his theoretical stance toward communication, all Ruesch's works here have been reviewed. In line with this, the author also mentions similarities between Ruesch and other psychiatric/psychotherapeutic authors. Also similarities have been established between Ruesch and Frank on "non specific factors in psychotherapy", and tensions within contemporary training of psychiatrists, almost predicted by Ruesch. Results and Conclusions: While some of Ruesch's ideas about the nature and origins of communication has been discounted, many of his preoccupations are now part of the mainstream, and it is to here that we should look for evidence of his legacy. In fact, he has been the author of rich and fruitful ideas, which are essential to clinical understanding of mental diseases and their treatments. It is not surprising, therefore, that Ruesch's burning interest in the clinical assessment of normal and pathological communicative behavior finds a significant echo in today's proliferation of books, papers, and conferences on communication. For all that, we should honor him.

The purpose of this research is to analyze the justiciary positions of justice operators in the province of Tacna regarding the violation of the fundamental human rights of persons with homosexual orientation by not being allowed to contract civil marriage in Peru in 2016. In order to meet the proposed objectives, a basic type and qualitative study was carried out. Also, the following research methods were applied: Analytical method, deductive method, comparative method, hermeneutic method, synthetic method. The investigation was carried out in the province of Tacna. The final sample consisted of 334 lawyers. In addition, various documents useful for the investigation were reviewed: Political Constitution of Peru, Jurisprudence of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, American Convention on Human Rights, Civil Code of Peru, Peruvian Constitutional Court, Laws of countries or States where they were approved Laws granting civil marriage between persons of the same sex, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, International Charter of Human Rights, World Conference of Human Rights and the Millennium Assembly, Prevention of discrimination against human rights in the administration of justice. It was found that approximately half of the jurists surveyed assume legal positions in favor of equal or homosexual marriage in Peru. However, the majority of lawyers surveyed do not approve the legalization of gay marriage ; Por la presente investigación se pretende analizar las posturas justicias de los operadores de justicia de la provincia de Tacna respecto si se vulneran los derechos humanos fundamentales de las personas con orientación homosexual al no permitírsele contraer matrimonio civil en el Perú, en el año 2016. Se llevó a cabo un estudio de tipo básica y de carácter cualitativo. Asimismo, se aplicaron los siguientes métodos de investigación: analítico, deductivo, comparativo, hermenéutico, sintético. La muestra final estuvo compuesta por 334 abogados. Asimismo, se revisaron diversos documentos de utilidad para la investigación: Constitución Política del Perú, Jurisprudencia de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, Convención Americana sobre Derechos Humanos, Código Civil del Perú, Tribunal Constitucional del Perú, Leyes de países o Estados donde se aprobaron leyes facultando el matrimonio civil entre personas del mismo sexo, Declaración Universal de Derechos Humanos, Carta Internacional de Derechos Humanos, Conferencia Mundial de Derechos Humanos y Asamblea del Milenio, Prevención de la Discriminación de los Derechos Humanos en la Administración de Justicia. Se encontró que aproximadamente la mitad de los juristas asumen posturas jurídicas a favor del matrimonio igualitario u homosexual en el Perú. Sin embargo, es mayoritario el sector de juristas que no aprueban la legalización del matrimonio homosexual.

En este artículo se analizan los cambios y continuidades en las élites económicas y en los ejes de acumulación en El Salvador en la década del 2000. Se discute que a diferencia de lo que se previó a inicios de los años noventa, es decir, el posicionar a El Salvador como un centro financiero regional, la mayor apertura comercial y la venta de empresas de capital privado salvadoreño ha modificado los ejes de acumulación de estas, orientando sus intereses, en especial, a las economías vinculadas con las remesas y los servicios. Finalmente, se discute de forma breve el impacto que tuvieron los gobiernos del FMLN y sobre todo la emergencia de nuevos agentes económicos vinculados al proyecto de ALBA petróleos. ; This article analyzes the changes and continuities in the economic elites in El Salvador in the last decade, as well as their main changes in the axes of accumulation. It is argued that unlike what was foreseen at the beginning of the 1990s, the trade liberalization and the sale of Salvadoran private companies have modified the axes of accumulation. In this regard, economic elites have focused their interests mainly to the economies related with remittances and services. Finally, the impact of the leftits governments (FMLN) and the emergence of new economic agents linked to the ALBA petroleos project is briefly discussed.

Reseña del libro "Business groups and transnational capitalism in Central America: economic and political strategies", de Benedicte Bull, Fulvio Castellacci y Yuri Kasahara.

Este artículo analiza la construcción de una Mesoamérica "otra" como espacio de inversión y explotación de recursos y de mano de obra, así como los intereses del capital regional y del capital transnacional han roto las fronteras tradicionales de la integración y han abierto una nueva "carretera" de México a Colombia. Se caracteriza la remodelación normativa en los tratados de libre comercio y los nuevos esquemas militares en función de proteger la inversión privada frente a estrategias anti-neoliberales enla región.

Este artículo analiza la construcción de una Mesoamérica "otra" como espacio de inversión y explotación de recursos y de mano de obra, así como los intereses del capital regional y del capital transnacional han roto las fronteras tradicionales de la integración y han abierto una nueva "carretera" de México a Colombia. Se caracteriza la remodelación normativa en los tratados de libre comercio y los nuevos esquemas militares en función de proteger la inversión privada frente a estrategias anti-neoliberales en la región.