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Over the last decade states have been increasing their involvement in the immigration process in the United States. In my dissertation I seek to understand the factors behind the growth of anti-immigrant legislation at the state level. I explore the influence public opinion has on state immigration policy and critically find that while legislatures are generally responsive to public opinion, there are important distortions. There is variation in both when opinion matters and whose opinion matters. I demonstrate that when immigration is most salient, politicians are responsive to the public, but when immigration is not relevant, the public will is largely ignored. Critically, I also show that majority- controlled legislatures only respond to the sentiment of their own party and largely ignore minority public opinion. Finally, I reconceptualize the role immigrants themselves play in shaping policy. Existing studies that do account for the size of the Latino population only see them as being a threat to native residents. I find that states with large Latino populations pass more restrictionist policy; however, as the population becomes significantly large and electorally relevant, the anti- immigrant legislative wave reverses. Latinos also play an important role in the passage of pro-immigrant policy, but have the most influence on symbolic legislation. This dissertation is the most complete study of state immigration policy to date and these findings have important implications for representative democracy. Politicians do respond to public sentiment under unique conditions; however, the majority will dominates and the welfare of immigrants is in question

Immigration is profoundly changing the racial demographics of America. In this article, we seek to understand if and how immigration and increasing racial diversity are shaping the partisan politics of individual white Americans. We show that whites' views on immigration and Latinos are strongly related to their core political identities and vote choices. Using a range of different surveys, we find that, all else equal, whites with more anti‐immigrant views or more negative views of Latinos are less apt to identify as Democrats and less likely to favor Democratic candidates. This rightward shift harkens back to an earlier period of white defection from the Democratic Party and highlights the enduring but shifting impact of race on American politics.

ABSTRACTTeam‐based projects continue to be important for structuring work in many organizations, and employees are increasingly using mobile applications (apps) for peer evaluations as part of a performance appraisals process. Since a graduating student can expect to work in a team at some point in their career, exposure to class‐related group projects is important. This study explored using a mobile application (app) called DevelapMe (DMe), which allowed for 273 business undergraduates in 54 teams to give and receive real‐time peer‐based feedback during a 5‐week group project. Prior empirical research has shown that technology can improve the group development process, but such research has not used a mobile app. The general goal of this study was to investigate how receiving real‐time feedback through a mobile app (DMe) can affect the team development process over time. Two online surveys, Time 1 (T1) and Time 2 (T2), were administered over a 5‐week period. Results showed that two of the three team‐level process outcomes, team trust and team commitment (but not team value‐goal fit), significantly increased from T1 to T2. Results also showed that receiving T1 sender‐based positive, but not negative, feedback scales had a significant impact on all three team‐level process outcomes.

The theory behind participative management originated in the 1930s as a result of a business studyconducted by Elton Mayo, who explored Frederick W. Taylor's scientific management principles. Hisfindings challenged Taylor's views, which emphasized the importance of social norms, such ascommunication, participation, and leadership (Marchant 1976). Decades later, renewed interest inparticipative management hinged upon the desire for seeking better management practices, namelytop-notch quality management systems, better employee relations, and integrated design andproduction teams (Lawler 1996).

AbstractEmail can deliver mobilization messages at considerably lower cost than direct mail. While voters' email addresses are readily available, experimental work from 2007 to 2012 suggests that email mobilization is ineffective in most contexts. Here, we use public data to reexamine the effectiveness of email mobilization in the 2016 Florida general election. Unsolicited emails sent from a university professor and designed to increase turnout had the opposite effect: emails slightly demobilizing voters. While the overall decrease in turnout amounted to less than 1 percent of the margin of victory in the presidential race in the state, the demobilizing effect was particularly pronounced among minority voters. Compared to voters from the same group who were assigned to control, black voters assigned to receive emails were 2.2 percentage points less likely to turn out, and Latino voters were 1.0 percentage point less likely to turn out. These findings encourage both campaigns and researchers to think critically about the use and study of massive impersonal mobilization methods.

For a decade, The Cancer Genome Atlas (TCGA) program collected clinicopathologic annotation data along with multi-platform molecular profiles of more than 11,000 human tumors across 33 different cancer types. TCGA clinical data contain key features representing the democratized nature of the data collection process. To ensure proper use of this large clinical dataset associated with genomic features, we developed a standardized dataset named the TCGA Pan-Cancer Clinical Data Resource (TCGA-CDR), which includes four major clinical outcome endpoints. In addition to detailing major challenges and statistical limitations encountered during the effort of integrating the acquired clinical data, we present a summary that includes endpoint usage recommendations for each cancer type. These TCGA-CDR findings appear to be consistent with cancer genomics studies independent of the TCGA effort and provide opportunities for investigating cancer biology using clinical correlates at an unprecedented scale.