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This paper explores the applicability of the concept of 'relatively autonomous' or autonomous state in the context of developing societies, particularly in the Philippines. It weighs the autonomy of the state not only in terms of its relations with local social classes, but also with foreign actors, i.e., it investigates state autonomy not only from the domestic elite, but also from foreign capital. Thus, the paper assesses the effectiveness of state intervention in the economy, with particular focus on the Philippines, taking into consideration the state's industrialization strategies, as well as the corporate coherence of the state's bureaucratic apparatus. The Philippine state is shown to be lacking in autonomy from both the ruling elites and foreign actors—in contention against an entrenched elite based on land and merchant capital and a significant presence of local capital in the domestic market. The lack of a center for economic planning and a tradition of pervasive graft and corruption underscore the weakness of the state prior to the Marcos dictatorship. While the authoritarian regime of President Marcos centralized the formulation of the country's economic policies, it made the country overly dependent on foreign loans, which kept the state from completely dismantling the power base of its monopolist elite. Thus, even today, the Philippine state remains captured by, instead of embedded in, competing and diverse social interests. In order to become a stronger, more autonomous state, the Philippine government must reform its own key bureaucracies and institutions, as well as construct and nurture a domestic 'growth coalition' that will underpin a strategy for the country's sustainable growth and development.

National elections in the Philippines took place on May 10, 2004, providing incumbent President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo with a six-year electoral mandate and control of both houses of Congress and most of the local governmental positions. However, the Arroyo administration faced a worsening budget deficit and debt crisis, increased incidence of hunger and poverty, pervasive corruption scandals in the military, inconclusive peace negotiations with communist guerrillas and Muslim separatists, and an unexpected twist in the country's relations with the United States, provoked by a crisis in the Philippines' involvement in Iraq.

This article examines the political legacies of the transition process from authoritarian to democratic rule in the Philippines and their impact on the process of democratic consolidation. The consolidation process has been particularly difficult because of a combination of the following factors: a state with weak capacities, a vibrant but contentious civil society, and a slow growth economy that has accentuated class, regional, and religious cleavages. In the post-Marcos era, an outstanding feature of the consolidation process, however, has been the unusual ability of militant social movements to be part of the broader process of democratic incorporation through the electoral party-list system while maintaining their contentious politics of claim-making on behalf of marginalized sectors. This unique feature constitutes an important aspect of the consolidation process that the state needs to address, particularly in the context of its capacity-building efforts.(Contemp Southeast Asia/DÜI)

In a region that is home to the world's fastest growing economies, the Philippines continues to stand out for its slow economic growth and development. The author believes that the politics of industrialization process in this country can be best understood by examining the process of collaboration and contestation that have marked the relationship among three key actors: a week state, powerful elites in civil society, and influential foreign actors. He explores the politics of industrialization in this country against the backdrop of this relationship. (DÜI-Sen)

Focuses on the domination of manufacturing by the landed capitalists and their opposition to the government strategy of export-oriented industrialization; 1950s-80s. Some focus on the government under Ferdinand Marcos.