Suchergebnisse

La fi del patriarcat ha convertit la vaginalitat en una opció lliure. Escollir la vaginalitat, és a dir, la penetració (vaginal, anal, oral) com a font de plaer, implica, al meu entendre, desplaçar o eliminar el plaer de la clítoris de la vida com un plaer propi femení, ignorant que la clítoris és un òrgan la funció del qual és donar plaer a les dones. Significa renunciar al més femení, que no és només la maternitat sinó també el placer vital constitutiu d'existència, un plaer que no separa sinó uneix cos i ànima en plenitud infinita. Sostinc, amb textos femenins sobre la virginitat –textos que no vam entendre gaire feministes del segle XX que, justament, no els consideràrem polítics–, que la força d'una dona s'esquartera quan oblida que el plaer femení és clitòric, quan cedeix al plaer de l'home, un plaer, aquest, que desconeix la unió mística.

Trato del sentido de escribir como mujer, concentrándome en la obra de Virginia Woolf, de Emily Dickison y de sor Eulalia de Anzizu. Entiendo que el tener en cuenta que soy una mujer cuando escribo, es una acción política trascendente, una acción que tiene consecuencias políticas porque modifica en su raíz la cultura escrita sexuándola, trasladándola del uno al dos, de la tradición moderna del pensamiento único a la tradición premoderna y nunca desaparecida de los dos infinitos, dos principios creadores, el femenino y el masculino, cada uno de ellos de alcance cósmico. Sexuando la escritura, sexuando la cultura escrita, cumplo una acción de política sexual. ¿Cómo salto de la política a la política sexual? Percibiendo que mi elegir ser mujer (sabiendo que no es objeto de elección) afecta a la polis, a la ciudad: transforma algo que es personal en algo otro, común, compartido, compartible, rechazable, deleznable, admirable. ; I discuss the meaning of writing as woman, concentrating on the work of Virginia Woolf, Emily Dickinson and sor Eulalia de Anzizu. I understand that to take into account that I am a woman when I write is a transcendent political action; an action that has political consequences because it causes a modification in written culture at the root by sexuating it, shifting it from the culture of one to that of two, from the modern tradition of single thought to the premodern one – never completely disappeared – of two infinites, two creative principles, the female and the male, each of them of cosmic reach. In sexuating writing, sexuating written culture, I carry out an action of sexual politics. How do I jump from politics to sexual politics? By perceiving that my choosing to be woman (knowing that it is not something that can be chosen) affects the polis, the city: it transforms something that is personal into something else, common, shared, shareable, rejectable, fragile, admirable.

Study and edition of the original texts of the wills of the poet, theatre writer and politician Gómez Manrique (Amusco, h. 1412-Toledo 1490), corregidor in Salamanca, Burgos, Ávila and Toledo, one of queen Isabel I very loyal followers, and that of his wife Juana de Mendoza (Cuenca? h. 1425-Barcelona 1493), counselor and friend of the Catholic Queen, her chamberlain, and preceptor of the noble girls that were educated in the Castilian court. Gómez Manrique's will has 13 lines in his own handwriting, including the date and his signature. ; Estudio y edición de los testamentos originales del poeta, autor de teatro y político Gómez Manrique (Amusco, h. 1412-Toledo 1490), corregidor de Salamanca, Burgos, Ávila y Toledo y leal servidor de Isabel I de Castilla, y del de su mujer Juana de Mendoza (¿Cuenca? h. 1425-Barcelona 1493), consejera y amiga de la reina católica, su camarera mayor, y preceptora y guarda de las damas que se educaban en su corte. El testamento de Gómez Manrique lleva trece líneas autógrafas, incluidas la fecha y firma.

In our culture there is a battle around the female freedom to desire, create and define itself that the end of the patriarchy has made harder and more confusing. In the patriarchy, the battle about female freedom moved between the poles of "excess" and "misery", that is, between too much and too little. The end of the patriarchy has been a revolution of the symbolic order that has displaced the terms of the battle, which have given way, no longer forming an antinomy of thought, to becoming a pairing of friends, changing, besides, their contents on changing the kind of relationship that joint them. The too much/too little of the patriarchy (which the principle of the equality of the sexes was obsessed with levelling out), has been let go of, and has made it possible to see that what moves the battle around female freedom is the pairing measure / lack of measure, which, despite appearances, is not an antinomy. It has gone from being a binary opposition to an intersection of groups, each one with various elements, some of them shared by both and some not. Measure and lack of measure can now have a shared territory. What for? So that measure does not close off the way to the test, the work of the negative: to the confusion that freedom requires in order to be born and to live amongst women. In the binary opposition, the internal relationship between its terms is necessary and hierarchical. In the intersection of groups, this relationship is available for interpretation by those who are living it. It is a new space, in which new experiences are ocurring, many of which are yet to be given words, language. In this new place, there is at stake (I believe) an opportunity for female reatness not to destroy its main character, as it does when it is buried between misery and excess; and it means, too, that it can confer authority and history on other women: that is, a genealogy of greatness that is available to connect and sustain the desire for perfection that is common among women today. Out of these new experiences, the one I experience today most closely because it affects me in the second person is that proposed by La Leche League. I think that the rebirth in the last two decades of La Leche League has to do with a deeply-felt unhappiness amongst the women of our time who are of child-bearing age, an unhappiness whose expression and invention of practices with which to cure it have been facilitated by the very dissolution of binding relationships brought about by the end of the patriarchy. La Leche League is a project of mothers in a genealogical relationship with those that have preceded them. Their political basis is the awareness that mothers know, whilst science has forgotten: they know, above all, about time and love. Their practice is the relationship between mothers, who get together locally, without organization, to talk about the meaning of their maternity.

I am going to work through two contradictions that I know through my own experience: 1) The non-freedom of the mother, according to the daughter; 2) The non-freedom of the daughter, according to the mother. Because women's history is not a straight line of progress, it is not a simple question of going from worse to better, but is rather a history that, like life, is made up of broken lines, of advances, of sideways steps, of going backwards, of peering into unexplored abysses whose direction is an unknown, of falls that are advances. When a woman is young, she sees the lack of freedom in her mother's life. This usually opens up in her a contradiction with her own desire for freedom, a painful contradiction, because she realizes that she yearns for something that her mother cannot teach her and that, because of this, can endanger her relationship with her. Often, as mothers too, we see a lack of freedom in our daughters' lives, in spite of loving them intensely; and we open up contradictions, with their resultant suffering. I think that for a daughter today to be free before her alive mother, it is necessary for the emancipated mother to take on an inheritance of those teachers of civilisation that are housewives, and to recognise the political value of the relationship of service: of putting herself -the emancipated mother- at the service of her daughter's fecundity, at the service of her daughter's creativity. Recognising in her daughter her plus.

Today, in the times of the end of the patriarchy, the meaning of the body is changing quickly precisely because the patriarchy has ended, which was a power system that presented the father as the true author of bodies, usurping them from their evident author, the mother. The usurpation, which before would take place through nothing more than power, takes place through the force of the law, the law that sustains the political power and is sustained by the same. But the feminists of the last third of the twentieth century said "My body is mine", and thus began a revolution that has put democracy itself into crisis. I think that, in the present, it is important to work out and make into politics the buried conflict between democracy and the mother about the authorship and political value of the human body. Because the body is a gift from the mother. It is, then, of the one who receives it, that is, of each human being that is born and remains to live in the world. It is not of the State nor of the one who has power in a family or a land. It is a gift that is inseparably joined to the gift of language. It is in language -in the language of the media, in legislative and judicial texts- where today the political conflict between the State and the mother about the authorship of bodies is being played out. And it is in language where this conflict can become political, that is, spoken, not violent. If as women we speak and try to do so in the mother tongue, not in the language of power. The gift of the body from the mother is the beginning of the human being and it is the beginning of another economy and another politics. It is a gift that each mother hands over to the economy of the infinite (which is different to globalisation) and to the politics of language, not to the economy of money or the politics of power. By economy of the infinite I understand the practices of production, distribution and consumption given over to serving the eternal needs of the body and the eternal needs of the soul, without underestimating profit and without putting it in the place of God. By politics of language or politics of the symbolic I understand (with others) the work of the words in search of meaning, both of the work that they do in me and that which I do with them, alone or shared, in order to say the reality that is changing, without underestimating the human ambition for power and without putting it in the place of the relationship with the mother.

Essay on the possibility of a History of Women that goes beyond (not against) the category of gender. It traces the origin of that history in feminine freedom, not in the evolution of social power. Feminine freedom has been understood and practiced, both in the past and at present, in relationship, not as an individual right. Feminine freedom is, therefore, the keystone of politics and the support of civilisation.

¿ Por qué la política de las mujeres? Decir que porque soy una mujer es una respuesta casi banal y, a la vez, dificilísima. Si añado que porque lo que me falta no es ser hombre, sino amar mi propio ser mujer, amar mi ser mujer y mi origen femenino, entonces la respuesta se vuelve menos banal y, quizá, menos difícil. Pienso que el acoger y escoger la diferencia de ser mujer ha sido la dificultad histórica de las feministas de mi generación, la generación quizá más emancipada y antimaterna del siglo XX. Porque en la época de la emancipación creímos algunas de buena fe que todo en el ser mujer era resultado de la opresión, y, si no lo veíamos tan oscuro en nosotras, les atribuimos esta miseria a muchas otras. La dificultad ha consistido en acoger y elegir libremente algo -el propio ser mujer- que no es, en rigor, susceptible de elección, como se dice en la obra No creas tener derechos, escrita por las mujeres que forman la Librería de mujeres de Milán.1 Pues el nacer mujer u hombre es un hecho recibido, es un don de la propia madre; pero es un hecho recibido que se puede negar, un don que se puede rechazar, por ejemplo luchando una mujer por equipararse con el hombre. Ahí radica la libertad más difícil de vivir.