Suchergebnisse

Multi Agency partnership as a delivery mechanism for localism in the UK during the early 2000s was in the vanguard of local public service delivery under New Labour (Ellison, S. and Ellison N. 2006. P.338). Local Strategic Partnerships (LSPs), (HMSO, 2000) were part of the approach but when the UK Coalition Government came to power in 2010, the statutory reasons for their existence disappeared with the abolition of Local Area Agreements (HMSO, 2011). Yet some appear to survive alongside other multi-agency groups and seem to be taking a role in supporting the delivery of local services. Some of the LSPs and local groups have ostensibly taken a role in the devolution of some powers from the centre to the city regions, which began with the "Northern Powerhouse" concept (RSA, 2014; Civica 2015). This paper focuses on LSPs apparent survival, asking if and how these groups could have become involved in supporting localism, in spite of the lack of a statutory imperative and lack of support from some local actors (Bound, et.al. 2005 p.14). In terms of research methods, this article uses a mixed qualitative methods approach; semi-structured interviews and Participant Observation (PO). PO provides the opportunity for immersion in the activities of the partnerships in the study, enabling the research to be undertaken in the most natural settings: the groups and communities involved. Both PO and semi-structured interviews are used to determine what, if any, role the partnerships in the study area may have in supporting localism and the perception of this role among local communities and partnership members. This will help to determine any perceived value in their existing and potential contribution to localism, and their possible contribution to the resolution of so-called "wicked" (Rittel and Webber, 1973) or complex societal problems.

Cover -- Acknowledgements -- Preface -- Introduction -- 1 The Cruellest Cut: Female Genital Mutilation -- 2 The Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo: Women in Argentina's Dirty Wars -- 3 Ireland's Fallen Women: A Story of Religious Persecution -- 4 Saudi Arabia: The World's Largest Women's Prison -- 5 Egypt: What Made Her Go There? -- 6 From Russia with Love: Sex Trafficking -- 7 Boys Will Be Boys: Where There Are UN Peacekeepers There Are Traffickers -- 8 Forced Marriage: From Kashmir to Bradford -- 9 Honour Killings: Murder to Preserve Honour -- 10 India: The Worst Place on Earth to Be Born a Woman -- 11 Rape as a Weapon of War: Bosnia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo -- 12 Sex Inequality in the UK: The Pay Gap -- Conclusion -- List of Illustrations -- About Sue Lloyd-Roberts -- Notes -- Index -- Picture Credits -- Copyright.

One of the great issues for governments and related organisations everywhere is that of staying close to their citizens and maintaining accountability through the provision of accurate, trustworthy and complete information. The size of an organisation can often impede open and timely information delivery, and the complexity of government structures can cause frustration and suspicion. Given the size and complexity of the EU, it could be considered reasonable to suppose that the EU would have institutional barriers to the integrity of the information provided to the public. Indeed, criticism of the EU is frequently framed in terms of its supposed lack of accountability and the claim that it is out of touch with its citizens (Gehrke 2019). To counter this, the EU makes increasing use of online systems to render its working practices visible to the public to facilitate scrutiny and improve transparency. However, these online systems have frequently been introduced without reliable and consistent quality assurance (QA) processes to ensure the accuracy of the information in the public domain in order to promote the institutional trust that the EU seeks. Furthermore, the EU ministerial declaration of 2005 argues for promoting 'public confidence' in information provision for e-government. Confidence and trust are inextricably linked, as this article shows. Drawing on 22 qualitative interviews with EU officials and representatives of Civil Society Organisations (CSOs), this article demonstrates that low QA is in fact a deliberate policy, with the European Commission openly acknowledging its reliance on public control to police the information it provides through its online systems. This creates a transparency paradox by allowing CSOs to take advantage of the weakness in information QA to weaponise their information to attack the EU. This is a key consideration, not only for the EU but for all governments and non-governmental organisations across the world. A perceived weakness in information provision which subverts the building of trust, particularly political trust, increases the scope for individual or state actors to exploit the internet to weaken and undermine citizen participation. This article tackles the issue through primary research to demonstrate the dangers of weaponised information in the modern political arena.

Multi-agency working continues to be a core focus in criminal justice and allied work, with the government investing significantly in training criminal justice professionals. This fully revised and expanded edition of this comprehensive text brings together probation, policing, prison, social work, criminological and organisational studies perspectives, and is an essential guide for students and practitioners in offender management and other managed care environments. The contributors provide critical analysis of the latest theory, policy and practice of multi-agency working and each chapter includes case studies, key points, exercises and further reading