Suchergebnisse

Intro -- Title Page -- Introduction -- Chapter 1 The Case for Plan B -- Chapter 2 Human Rights in History -- Chapter 3 Nuremberg and Beyond -- Chapter 4 Meet Mr Magnitsky -- Chapter 5 The Laws So Far -- Chapter 6 The Full Magnitsky -- Chapter 7 The Targets Identified -- Afterword -- Acknowledgements -- Index -- Also by Geoffrey Robertson -- Copyright -- 1 -- CHAPTER 1 -- 2 -- 3 -- 4 -- 5 -- 6 -- 7 -- 8 -- 9 -- 10 -- 11 -- 12 -- 13 -- 14 -- 15 -- 16 -- 17 -- 18 -- 19 -- 20 -- 21 -- 22 -- 23 -- 24 -- 25 -- 26 -- 27 -- 28 -- 29 -- 30 -- 31 -- 32 -- 33 -- 34 -- 35.

Intro -- Title Page -- Contents -- Preface -- Chapter One: Whose History Is It? -- Background -- The Cultural Property Debate -- The Right of States - and Peoples -- Macron's Challenge -- The Marbles -- A Human Rights Approach -- Chapter Two: The Glory That Was Greece -- A Brief Background -- Building the Parthenon -- Chapter Three: Elgin: Thief or Saviour? -- The Acropolis Before Elgin -- Lord Elgin's Mission -- The So-Called Firman -- Elgin's Motivation -- An Ambassador's Conflict of Interest -- No Elgin, No Marbles? -- Chapter Four: In the Keeping of the British Museum -- The Select Committee -- Lord Duveen and the Cleaning Scandal -- To Russia Without Love -- Elginisation -- Chapter Five: The Case for Re-Unification -- Demands for the Marbles After Greek Independence -- The UK Refuses UNESCO Mediation -- The Case for the Museum, Refuted -- Chapter Six: International Law to the Rescue? -- Conventions -- State Practice -- Case Law -- Human Rights Law -- War Law -- Conclusion -- Chapter Seven: Museums of Blood -- Defining the Right of Return -- The Benin Bronzes -- The Rosetta Stone -- The Bust of Nefertiti -- The Maqdala Pillage -- The Gweagal Shield -- Priam's Treasure -- The Koh-i-Noor Diamond -- Dahomey, 1892 -- The Old Summer Palace, Beijing -- The Easter Island Moai -- The Ashanti Wars -- A Note on Replicas -- Chapter Eight: Towards Justice -- Restorative Justice -- The UNESCO Convention and Its Limits -- A Convention for the Repatriation of Important Cultural Heritage (CRICH) -- Conclusion -- Conclusion -- Acknowledgements -- Notes -- Index -- Plates -- Also by Geoffrey Robertson -- Copyright.

Includes bibliographical references (pages 257-287) and index

When it was first published in 1999, Crimes Against Humanity called for a radical shift from diplomacy to justice in international affairs. In vivid, non-legalese prose, leading human rights lawyer Geoffrey Robertson made a riveting case for holding political and military leaders accountable in international courts for genocide, torture, and mass murder. Since then, fearsome figures such as Charles Taylor, Laurent Gbagbo, and Ratko Mladic´ have been tried in international criminal court, and a global movement has rallied around the human rights framework of justice. Any such legal framework re

Iran is just years away from building an atomic bomb. Should it succeed, a weapon of monstrous destructive capability will be in the hands of mullahs who should be put on trial for international crimes: massacring political prisoners, assassinating dissidents at home and abroad, and torturing and killing protestors – as Geoffrey Robertson demonstrates in this groundbreaking study. In Mullahs Without Mercy, Robertson explores the chilling consequences of allowing Iran, North Korea and other countries to develop nuclear weapons. With unquestioned legal authority and learning, and in vivid style, Robertson proposes a radical solution: making the production of nuclear weapons an international crime. Indeed he argues that acquiring nukes is already contrary to an international law of human rights: the bomb is an illegal weapon of terror, and the politicians, prelates and scientists who build it are guilty of crimes against humanity. The development of this doctrine will have profound implications for Britain – and for the world

Historically, Nagorno-Karabakh has always been occupied predominantly by Armenians. It was wrongly allocated to Azerbaijan by Lenin in 1921, but after the collapse of the Soviet Union its people voted for independence and recruited a local army of their own people to fight the civil war, 1991-4. During the siege of Stepanakert (a grave Azeri war crime), the road between that city and Goris (in Armenia) took on the status of a humanitarian corridor, secured by the justifiable capture of the town of Lachin. The author has interviewed some of the war commanders and victims and draws on their evidence, filed with the European Court of Human Rights but never before published, to explain how "the right of belligerent reprisal" arose to justify protecting the civilian population by taking and keeping the corridor. A legal precedent can be found in the "safe havens" established for Iraqi Kurds in Iraq. Nagorno-Karabakh has a strong argument for self-determination, following on from the precedents from East Timor and Kosovo. And it satisfies the tests for statehood laid down in the MonteVideo Convention. Given its vulnerability to Azeri attack by the prolonged illegal blockade of the Lachin corridor, it may be that nothing will succeed except secession.

For researchers working on mass violence, the Ottoman attacks that targeted Armenians in 1915 and have removed half of them are in no doubt genocide. Raphael Lemkin was also the deportations and massacres in mind when he coined the term. But a century after the fact, Turkey shows no shame address these massacres, and his argument merely consider that this type of treatment of minorities is quite acceptable, even today. Turkish denialists arguments developed with aplomb on the website of the Foreign Ministry, are not only deplorable: they are also dangerous. Adapted from the source document.