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This Element examines gender in Southeast Asia by focusing on two main themes. The first concerns hegemonic cultural constructions of gender and Southeast Asian subjects' responses to these dominant discourses. Roces introduces hegemonic discourses on ideal masculinities and ideal femininities, evaluates the impact of religion, analyses how authoritarian regimes fashion these ideals. Discussion then turns to the hegemonic ideals surrounding desire and sexualities and the way these are policed by society and the state. The second theme concerns the ways hegemonic ideals influence the gendering of power and politics. Roces argues that because many Southeast Asians see power as being held by kinship alliance groups, women are able to access political power through their ties with men-as wives, mothers, daughters, sisters and even mistresses. However, women's movements have challenged this androcentric division of power.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction: Toward a History of the Filipino Migrant as Agent of Change, 1970s-2018 -- Part One: Breaking Taboos: Family and Gender -- 1. Migration and the Rethinking of the Filipino Family, 1970s-2018 -- 2. Challenging Constructions of Gender and Sexuality, 1980s-2018 -- Part Two: Changing Social Mores and Economic Landscapes: Filipino Migrants as Consumers -- 3. Consumption and Social Change, 1980s-2018 -- 4. The Impact of Consumption on Businesses, 1990s-2018 -- Part Three: Changing the Homeland and the Host Country: Activism and Philanthropy -- 5. Filipina/o/x Americans as Community Historians, 1980s-2018 -- 6. Advocacy and Its Impacts, 1970s to circa 2000 -- 7. Migrants and the Homeland, 1986-2018 -- Conclusion: Refusing to Be Marginal -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index

This book is about a fundamental aspect of the feminist project in the Philippines: rethinking the Filipino woman. It focuses on how contemporary women's organizations have represented and refashioned the Filipina in their campaigns to improve women's status by locating her in history, society and politics; imagining her past, present and future; representing her in advocacy; and identifying strategies to transform her. The drive to alter the situation of women included a political aspect (lobbying and changing legislation) and a cultural one (modifying social attitudes and women's own assessments of themselves). In this work Mina Roces examines the cultural side of the feminist agenda: how activists have critiqued Filipino womanhood and engaged in fashioning an alternative woman. How did activists theorize the Filipina and how did they use this analysis to lobby for prowomen's legislation or alter social attitudes? What sort of Filipina role models did women's organizations propose, and how were these new ideas disseminated to the general public? Analyzing data from over seventy-five interviews with feminist activists, radio and television shows, romance novels, periodicals and books published by women's organizations and feminist nuns, comics, newsletters, and personal papers, Roces shows how representations of the Filipino woman have been central to debates about women's empowerment

During the past decades, Asian Studies scholars have made outstanding contributions on the topic of how political elites have promoted changes in clothing in their projects of modernising their citizens or creating new nationalist identities (such as by inventing national dress). But the visual power of the politics of appearances allows also marginal and oppressed groups to send powerful messages. This special issue proposes to shift the analytical lens from the way sartorial changes have come from above - i.e., from political elites in power - to examining instead how resistance movements, including women's movements, social movements, minorities and marginalised groups, utilise the semiotics of dress to advance their agendas from below. Thus, this issue underscores the importance of dress, bodily deportment, fashion and etiquette, analysing how these have been intrinsic to the performance of social, political, cultural, religious and gendered identities, and in challenging the status quo. The focus here is on how dress and fashion are marshalled for the performance of collective action, socio-political dissent, alternative politics and identity politics.

During the past decades, Asian Studies scholars have made outstanding contributions on the topic of how political elites have promoted changes in clothing in their projects of modernising their citizens or creating new nationalist identities (such as by inventing national dress). But the visual power of the politics of appearances allows also marginal and oppressed groups to send powerful messages. This special issue proposes to shift the analytical lens from the way sartorial changes have come from above – i.e., from political elites in power – to examining instead how resistance movements, including women's movements, social movements, minorities and marginalised groups, utilise the semiotics of dress to advance their agendas from below. Thus, this issue underscores the importance of dress, bodily deportment, fashion and etiquette, analysing how these have been intrinsic to the performance of social, political, cultural, religious and gendered identities, and in challenging the status quo. The focus here is on how dress and fashion are marshalled for the performance of collective action, socio-political dissent, alternative politics and identity politics.

Singaporean female employers subject their Filipina domestic workers to strict rules governing their dress and behaviour, in the name of de-sexualising them and maintaining their status as invisible servants at the employers' beck and call. This paper suggests that the fashionable attire that Filipina domestic workers don for their day off is also a symbol of rebellion and a rejection of their employers' desires to render them plain and unattractive. In this sense, fashion is more than just a coping strategy: it is a way of expressing a sexual self, a beautiful and feminine self that is not allowed to be exhibited during workdays. Although these fashion makeovers only last less than 24 hours, in their leisure time Filipina domestic workers transgress the weekday restrictions of their employers while marking their own personal self-transformation as ultra-modern, independent women with consumer power and cosmopolitan tastes.

This article examines the way Sundays at Lucky Plaza Singapore are an anomaly where conceptual hierarchies are temporarily turned upside down, albeit only one day a week. It is divided into two themes—the politics of visibility and the politics of appearances—illustrating how Filipina domestic workers have been able to demonstrate consumer power and reject society's attempts to fashion them into invisible minorities and unattractive women. Deriving theoretical inspiration from historians writing about Early Modern Europe, this study reveals how carnival and misrule can unsettle social hierarchies temporarily as well as initiate social change despite the limits of consumer power.

Philippinische Politik ist nicht männerdominiert, sondern geschlechtsspezifisch: Männer haben üblicherweise offizielle Macht, während Frauen inoffizielle Macht durch ihre Verwandschaft oder Heirat mit männlichen Befehlshabern ausüben.