Melalui metode sejarah kritis dengan pendekatan politik ekologi, tulisan ini mengkaji peristiwa bencana alam tanah longsor yang menjadi ancaman serius terhadap kehidupan masyarakat. Intensitas bencana tanah longsor yang semakin tinggi dan merata di berbagai kawasan di Indonesia tidak terlepas dari kebijakan ekonomi politik pemerintah dalam memanfaatkan sumber daya alam dan masifnya penetrasi sistem ekonomi kapitalis global yang sangat ekspansif dan eksploitatif terhadap sumber daya alam. Fakta empirik implementasi UU No.5/1967, UU No. 11/1967, UU No. 5/1990, dan TAP MPR No IX/2001, justru menjadi pintu masuk bagi pemanfaatan sumber daya alam melebihi carrying capacity yang berdampak terhadap kerusakan ekosistem dan bencana alam yang menjadi ancaman serius kehidupan masyarakat.
This paper studies the contradictory phenomenon of people's salt business sector in Indonesia. Observation method, random sampling of statistical data, in-depth interview, and historical method were used to examine this issue. The results showed that indeed there has been a very significant change in people's salt business in Indonesia which was originally an export commodity, became an import commodity. It was mainly influenced by the government's regulatory policies. In the Dutch colonial period, the government took the monopolistic policy to make salt as an export commodity by applying a salt monopoly ordinance. The policy was valid until Indonesia gained its independence and was abolished through the Law no. 13/1959, and there was no further policy that protects people's salt business. Thus there was a tendency for an administrational shift from monopolistic to privatization and liberalization which was characterized by the deterioration of government's role. Key words: salt, government's policy, monopoly, liberalization. Â Artikel ini mendeskripsikan fenomena yang kontradiktif pada sektor usaha garam rakyat di Indonesia. Untuk mengkaji masalah ini digunakan metode observasi, random sampling data statistik, indepth interview, dan metode sejarah. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan, bahwa memang benar telah terjadi perubahan sangat signifikan pada usaha garam rakyat di Indonesia, yang semula merupakan komoditas ekspor menjadi impor. Hal ini utamanya dipengaruhi oleh regulasi kebijakan pemerintah. Pada masa kolonial Belanda, untuk menjadikan garam sebagai komoditas ekspor ditempuh kebijakan monopoli garam oleh pemerintah dengan menerapkan ordonansi monopoli garam (Zoutmonopolie-Ordonnantie). Ketika Indonesia merdeka kebijakan itu masih berlaku dan baru dihapus melalui UU No. 13/1959, dan selanjutnya tidak pernah ada kebijakan yang memproteksi usaha garam rakyat. Dengan demikian terdapat kecenderungan terjadi pergeseran kebijakan dari monopoli ke arah liberalisasi, yang ditandai semakin kecilnya peran pemerintah dan dominasi swasta. Kata kunci: garam, kebijakan pemerintah, monopoli, liberalisasi. Â
As a capital-intensive transport technology linked to industrialized economies, ports become more essential economic infrastructure for developing periphery. Using the historical method, this article examines the relations between ports construction and the development of the voyages of the Indonesian archipelago, which was before called the Dutch East Indies. Based on the results, the port's construction caused by several factors. First, the colonial government wanted to reduce Singapore's role as an entre-port for the Dutch East Indies shipping activities, so that several ports been developed in the outer islands of Java. Second, ports development in outer islands became one of the Dutch economic expansions. Third, to relinquish reliance on foreign shipping companies, the colonial government then developed KPM and gave a monopoly right of shipping across the islands. Fourth, the utilization of modern ship engines in shipping led the growing up international voyages and had prompted the government to develop ports. Another interesting finding from this article is the relation between shipping and trade, the port constructions in various parts of the Dutch East Indies has encouraged trading networks developed in the area.
Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk memberi gambaran dan analisis bagaimana perkembangan demokratisasi pemerintahan Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta merupakan komitmen dan hasil usaha yang sistematis dan terstruktur dari pihak penguasa Kraton Yogyakarta yang mestinya bercorak otokratis. Dengan metode sejarah kritis, kajian ini mengidentifikasi bahwa demokratisasi pemerintahan Kraton Yogyakarta dilakukan oleh Sultan HB IX setelah dinobatkan sebagai penguasa kraton Yogyakarta menggantikan Sultan HB VIII. Dengan jabatan sebagai Koo, HB IX menyusun rancangan bentuk pemerintahan yang demokratis dengan melibatkan peran rakyat dalam pengambilan keputusan dan konsep itu dapat direalisasikan di DIY ketika Sultan HB IX dan Paku Alam secara resmi ditetapkan oleh pemerintah RI sebagai Kepala Daerah dan Wakil Kepala Daerah. Demokratisasi pemerintahan ditunkukkan dari Maklumat No. 14 Daerah Istimewa Negara RI (Kasultanan dan Paku Alam) tentang Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Kelurahan dan Majelis Permusyawaratan Desa yang bersama-sama dengan Dewan Pemerintah menentukan arah penyelenggaraan pemerintahan. Demikian juga pada masa pasca revolusi, melalui Pemilu lokal dibentuk DPRD dan DPD.
By using the historical method, the study discussing the existence of salt-producing community public cooperatives as micro credit institutions growing among coastal communities in Rembang and Demak. Both similarities and differences exist between the two. Both institutions (cooperatives are in need of government assistance. Both exist as a result of the hard work dedicated by the managers. The difference lies in the attitude of the villages' administrators (bureaucrats)toward the existence of the cooperatives.
This article examines modern process of agriculture in Timor-Leste in the period of 1982 and 2007. The modern agricultural system has been conducted in the 1980s, when the Indonesian government worked together with a non-governmental organization (NGO), namely the East Timor Agricultural Development Program (ETADEP) to overcome famine during the civil war in the region. The Indonesian government and the NGO ETADEP have modernized farmers by using tractor machines to cultivate the land, but at that time 95% were categorized as traditional farmers. Thus, it was difficult for them to implement modern agriculture at that time. This article uses the historical method which includes four stages, including heuristics, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The modern process of agriculture in Timor Leste has been conducted since 1982 when was marked by the implementation of the Mass Guidance program (BIMAS). Through the Bimas program, the government has succeeded in developing farmers' business credit to facilitate the credit provision in the form of agricultural tools and inputs to the farmers. After its independence, Timor-Leste faced new challenges in food self-sufficiency. The adoption and adaptation of new technologies in organic farming, such as the Intensive Design System (SRI) and Integrated Crop Management (ICM) are organic farming technologies. However, SRI and ICM replaced the modern agricultural system which had been adopted from Indonesia. Since 2007, the implementation of both the SRI and ICM models have been continued to date. The Timor-Leste government has made great efforts to implement SRI and ICM organic farming eventhough the implementation of both models is considered troublesome for farmers and indirectly resulted the failure of food self-sufficiency policy in Timor-Leste.
The establishment of PSI was a continuation of the movement of youth groups during the period of the National Movement which the members came from intellectual elites named PNI Baru. This organization had an important role in the form of Parliamentary Democracy system in Indonesia. During the independence period, PNI Baru became a political party called Partai Rakyat Sosialis (Paras), Paras then affiliated with Partai Sosialis Indonesia (Parsi) to become the Partai Sosialis in the late of 1945. Partai Sosialis appeared convincing as the dominating party in the course of Indonesian politics in early independence, placing Sjahrir and Amir as cabinet leaders for five consecutive periods. After the name of Partai Sosialis changed into PSI on February 12, 1948, the party was unable to be considered as a potential political party anymore. PSI had no chance to contribute to the political dynamics of Indonesia at that time. It was only after the recognition of Indonesian sovereignty that the PSI was able to carry out effective party work, including their involvement in cabinet in the 1950s. The PSI members were responsible of serving the government as ministers in the structure of the Natsir Cabinet of 1950, the Wilopo Cabinet of 1952 and Burhanuddin Harahap Cabinet of 1955, the other figures who had special affiliation and sympathy with PSI also became party representatives to serve the government during that period.
This study aimed to examine the existence of Langsa as a colonial city during the first half of the 20th century, which focused on development of capitalism in industrial sector and its relation with establishment of this city. Colonial government had to developed capitalism through industrialization and to accommodated the private interests. East Aceh previously had a traditional economic-base on pepper agriculture but this was devastated by war and then replaced by capitalism. Industrialization was implemented by the Dutch on transportation, communication, public services and rubber plantation industries. Then the private capitalists were dominated the rubber plantation and petroleum mining industries. Industrialization was the determinant factor of the growth of Langsa as the colonial city and impacted the major changes and development of urban space. Since 1907, Langsa became the third largest city in Aceh until the end of the Dutch colonialism in 1942. Studi ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji eksistensi Langsa sebagai kota kolonial pada paruh pertama abad ke-20, yang difokuskan pada perkembangan kapitalisme di sektor industri dan hubungannya dengan pembangunan kota tersebut. Pemerintah kolonial didorong untuk mengembangkan kapitalisme melalui industrialisasi untuk mengakomodir kepentingan kapitalis swasta. Dahulu Aceh Timur memiliki basis ekonomi tradisional pada pertanian lada namun hancur akibat perang dan kemudian digantikan oleh kapitalisme. Industrialisasi diimplementasikan oleh Belanda pada industri jasa transportasi, komunikasi, layanan umum dan perkebunan karet. Kemudian industri perkebunan karet dan pertambangan minyak bumi didominasi oleh kapitalis swasta. Industrialisasi merupakan faktor determinan pertumbuhan Langsa sebagai kota kolonial dan berdampak pada perubahan besar dan perkembangan ruang kota. Hanya satu dasawarsa (1907-1917), Langsa telah menjadi kota ketiga terbesar di Aceh hingga akhir kolonialisme Belanda pada tahun 1942.
This study aimed to describe the procession of the ritual 'Bersih Desa' and analyze the existence of the sacred dance 'Topeng Kona' as a tool for validating the ritual 'Bersih Desa' in Blimbing Village, Bondowoso Regency, East Java, Indonesia. The intelligence and local wisdom possessed by the ancestors of Blimbing Village, was able to give birth to masterpieces of high noble value in the ritual 'Bersih Desa', such as 'Topeng Kona' dance, 'Singo Ulung' dance, Tandhe' Bini' and 'Ojhung' dance. The masterpiece was the result of the marriage of two cultures, namely Javanese culture (represented by the figure of Juk Seng or Juk Singo Ulung) and Madurese culture (represented by the figure of Juk Jasiman). The result of the marriage produced a migrant culture with a high value that differed from the culture of the migrant's home region. The sacred dance 'Topeng Kona' was used as a medium to validate the ritual 'Bersih Desa' as a form of appreciation for Jasiman figures who came from Madura and became the member of the residents of Blimbing Village.
At the 1952 Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) Congress in Palembang, 1952, NU officially broke away from Masyumi and declared itself a political party. From then on, NU emerged as a growing force in both local and national political scenes. In the 1955 elections in Cirebon, the NU party emerged as the winner and the only branch in West Java that received the most votes. The political strategy of the NU Party in Cirebonin the run-up to the 1955 general election was based on the instructions of the Nahdlatul Ulama Executive Board (PBNU) to immediately organize party activities; among others by recruiting non-party members and preparing funding. The emergence of local kiai (religious leaders) who had extensive networks in the villages and Islamic boarding schools also contributed to the NU party's victory. After the 1955 elections, the Cirebon NU Party highlighted unilateral actions by the PKI. During the September 30, 1965 Movement (Gestapu), mass killings broke out in Central Java and East Java but similar violence did not occur in Cirebon, though there was small outbreaks of violence. In response to the political situation in Indonesia and considering the situation at the local level, PBNU held its 24th Congress in Bandung 1967. By employing the historical method, this study discusses the political strategy of the NU party in Cirebon Regency before and after the 1955 election.
This study aimed to analyze the reasons that the Regent of Bondowoso chose Madurese culture to be a tourist destination for Bondowoso Regency, and the impact of the commodification of Madurese culture on the welfare of the Bondowoso community. The theory of commodification and historical method were used in this study. The primary data were collected through participatory observation, interview, and colonial sources (documentation), while secondary data were collected from various sources which include published works, results of related studies, and related government reports. The population was the Madurese community in Bondowoso Regency. The results of the study had proven that Madurese Culture like Kerapan Sapi and Sapi Sonok (cow's beauty contest) had been contesting in front of the public since the Dutch colonial period, while Ronteg Singo Ulung, Pojien Dance and Petik Kopi ritual had been used as tourism commodities in Bondowoso Regency since 2017. In this importance, the Regent of Bondowoso chose Madurese culture as a lure for tourists; both domestic and foreign tourists. This action was to improve the welfare of the community, as well as generating revenue for the Regional Government and Village Government.
This study analyzes Kampung Improvement Program (KIP) implementation and its impact on social life in Semarang between 1978-1988 periods. The KIP program is considered successful in building and managing slum settlements in Semarang. The success of Semarang in implementing this program makes it as a pilot project for the arrangement of two cities in Southeast Asia, namely Manila and Bangkok in 1987. This study emphasizes the use of government documents and newspapers to analyze KIP implementation progress in Semarang in the period of 1978 and ended at 1988. The program implementation was divided into two major stages, KIP Urban III and KIP Urban V. From KIP program, various physical infrastructure to support basic needs, such as toilets, clean water networks, sanitation, and road paving have been built. In its development, the KIP implementation brings a new face to Semarang towards slum villages, decreases the social pathology of the communities, and develops social groups, such as empowering Integrated Health Service Port (Posyandu) and Family Welfare Program (PKK). KIP Urban III was able to complete the construction of 21 villages, while in KIP Urban V there were 35 villages, bringing the total number of 56 villages developed.
This study focuses on the life, ideas, and role of Kiai Ahmad Fauzan in developing Islamic teachings and national values. Islam and nationalism are two things that interconnected and not contradictory. In Indonesian history, the two of them caused turmoil, even opposition. The purpose of this study is to prove the return of the Moslem spirit which is in line with the development of local religious leaders, primarily through case studies of local scholars in Jepara, such as Kiai Ahmad Fauzan. This study used a historical method, including heuristics, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. Kiai Ahmad Fauzan was a leader of the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) who fought through education and politics to uphold the AhlussunahwalJamaah(Aswaja) ideology in Jepara. Fauzan's Islamic and national ideas can be seen from syair[poems] conveyed to the public. Syairbecame a media for propaganda for Kiai Ahmad Fauzan in spreading the religious understanding of Islam Aswaja. It is delivered to the community as reminder and awareness of harmonious religious and national values. His role in the religious and socio-political fields was seen when Japan began occupying Jepara in 1942. He was the target of arrest because of his role as a cleric. Its leadership formed from religious roles carried out mainly through madrasa and da'wah by traveling from one village to another. Kiai Ahmad Fauzan was involved in socio-religious organizations such as the Indonesian Islamic Assembly (MIAI), Indonesian Muslim Council (Masyumi), and NU, especially during the 1955 elections. Kiai Ahmad Fauzan was also trusted by the government to be the first leader of the Ministry of Religion in Jepara after independence revolution.
This article analyses the contestation of slavery activities in Timor during 19th century. The slave trade cannot be separated from contestation between three forces, namely the local authority (rajah), colonial entities residing in Timor, and pirates from Bugis, Ende, and Sulu. The rajah fought each other on the battlefield to decide which of them worthy of a "gift" of the war, which were women and children as merchandise for sale. Meanwhile, colonial complaints about the limited human labor to be employed in various types of work not only encouraged increased slave raiding and the purchase of slaves in distant places, but at the same time fostered slave trading activities, both were sponsored by the Dutch and Portuguese. One of the main causes of the ongoing slave trade was piracy at sea, three actors were pioneering slave raiding, namely Balanini/Ilanun, Bugis and Makassar pirate, and Ende pirate. By applying historical method, this research questioned why locals, Europeans, and pirate rulers contested to obtain slaves in Timor? The rise of capitalism was marked by the demand for cheap labor in 19th century. Therefore, slave commodities were mobilized to meet the need for labour in plantations or companies owned by the colonial government.
