Suchergebnisse

The results of the 2004 Ukrainian presidential elections highlighted the continued existence of regional diversity across Ukraine and the huge task the Ukrainian state faces in reconciling divisions and creating an all-encompassing modern Ukrainian identity. This article seeks to examine perceptions and understandings of identity change in Ukraine from three cities, namely Luhans'k, Kharkiv and Sumy, all adjacent to the Russian-Ukrainian state border, in an effort to deconstruct the mega-region of 'eastern Ukraine' and in doing so, argue for the need for further academic scrutiny of inherent nuances within 'east' and 'west' Ukraine, differences, which more large-scale quantitative research fails to uncover. Data generated from in-depth interviews in schools with school directors, history teachers and schoolchildren are analysed to demonstrate how individuals reflect on the importance of the 'region' in Ukraine and secondly the role of Russia in Ukraine's identity politics. The impact of these results on Ukrainian politics and society as well as our understandings of regional diversity across Ukraine is outlined in the conclusions.

ABSTRACT. This paper aims to explore the (re)construction of identities in three regions adjacent to the Russian–Ukrainian border. The article analyses the areas' historical and political development and argues that placing such areas within a mega‐region term such as 'eastern Ukraine' fails to recognise important differences between them. Content analysis of regional history textbooks reveals that the 'official' state historical narrative found in school history textbooks is heavily negotiated, with regional elites in each area 'picking and choosing' which parts of the 'official' state narrative to accept and which parts to reject. In this way, the article demonstrates how the notions of 'inclusion' and 'exclusion' are highly debated topics in the Ukrainian classroom as the central and local state elites are both part of the dynamic process of (re)definition of national identities.

Peterson and Bielke (2001) presented an overview of the reorganization of Russia's environmental bureaucracy following the 2000 folding of Goskomekologiia into Minresurov. They stated that, because the merger was motivated by the need to remove environmental barriers to natural resource exploitation, it would result in the wholesale exploitation of Russia's abundant natural resources. The monitoring and control function previously performed by Goskomekologiia within the regions of the Russian Federation charged with the inspection of industrial enterprises would also be undermined (Cherp and Golubeva 2004; Oldfield 2005). Adapted from the source document.

ABSTRACTThe extant literature states that firms 'go green' in response to one or a combination of three factors: regulation, stakeholder pressure or 'because it pays', with each being tempered by managerial attitudes and perceptions. In this paper, we test the relevance of these factors in the empirical setting of Russia. Data collected from firms in three industrialised regions indicates that Russia's 'coercive' approach to regulatory enforcement has resulted in firms seeking to limit their environmental punishment, rather than improve their environmental management. Similarly, weak civil society in Russia has meant that stakeholders such as environmental non‐governmental organisations fail to influence greening activity. We find that only 'because it pays' motives were persuasive. The paper concludes that, in settings such as the Russian Federation, market mechanisms are the only method by which to facilitate corporate greening and that steps should be taken to strengthen instruments like ISO 14001 to facilitate greening of this type. Copyright © 2011 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment.