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[BR] Este artigo objetiva demonstrar que a historia da filosofia política em Kant é oexercício de um historiador filosófico da política, visto que essa história é organizada por umaideia da razão. Assim, ela não é simplesmente uma narrativa fundada em acontecimentoshistóricos, ao contrário, é a organização de tais fatos ordenados por um fio condutor, quenuma visão panorâmica da produção kantiana foi chamado de propósito da natureza,providência ou destino e de fio condutor. A apresentação da ideia da razão que organiza ahistória da política será apresentada em ordem cronológica da produção kantiana, assimdemonstrando as diferentes ideias da razão que organizam a narrativa história política dogênero humano e como tal ideia organizadora era um propósito da natureza e tornou-se umtipo de entusiasmo republicano. Por fim, evidenciando que tais mudanças da ideiaorganizadora da história do gênero humana não implicam em contradições no alinhamentodelas, pelo contrário, sinalizam para tal história como um esboço de uma história da filosofiapolítica. ; Peer reviewed ; [EN] This article aims to demonstrate that the history of politics philosophy in Kant isthe exercise of a historian philosopher of politics, since this story is organized by an idea ofreason. Thus, it is not simply a narrative based on historical events; rather, it is the organizerof such events ordered by a conductor thread that in a panoramic view of Kantian productionwas called by purpose of nature, providence or fate and conductor thread. The presentation ofthe idea of reason that organizes the history of the politics will be presented in chronologicalorder of Kantian production, thus demonstrating the different ideas of reason that organize thenarrative of politics history of humankind and as such organizer idea was a purpose of thenature and becomes a kind of republican enthusiasm. Finally, showing that such change oforganizer idea of humankind history do not imply contradictions in aligning them, on thecontrary, signal to such history as an outline of ...

[EN] We trace here the layout of Cassirer's intellectual itinerary, highlightning the growing political commitment in his thought as he faces the national socialist ideology from the vantage point of history of ideas and his philosophy of the symbolic forms, invoking in this sense the spirit of Enlightenment in general and Kant in a very particular way as well. Cassirer's ideological rebuttal of Nazism begins in 1928 with his hommage to the Weimar Republic and reaches up to 1945 with The Myth of State. Here however it is presented an interpretation of the dangerously moral meaning that Judaism had for the totalitarian ideology of National Socialism. ; [ES] Se traza aquí una panorámica del itinerario intelectual de Cassirer, enfatizando el creciente compromiso político de su pensamiento, al querer combatir la ideología nacionalsocialista desde la historia de las ideas y su filosofía de la cultura simbólica, invocando para ello al espíritu de la Ilustración en general y a Kant muy en particular. Su refutación ideológica del nazismo comienza en 1928 con su homenaje a la República de Weimar y llega hasta 1945 con El mito del Estado, pero aquí se presenta su interpretación del significado peligrosamente moral que tuvo el judaísmo para la ideología totalitaria del nacionalsocialismo. ; Este trabajo se adscribe a los Proyectos de Investigación Philosophy of History and Globalisation of Knowledge. Cultural Bridges Between Europe and Latin America: WORLDBRIDGES (F7-PEOPLE-2013-IRSES: PIRSES-GA-2013-612644), PRISMAS filosófico-morales de las crisis: Hacia una nueva pedagogía sociopolítica (FFI2013-42395-P), New Trust-com (S2015-HUM-1466), Cultura de la Legalidad y lucha contra la corrupción (DER2015-71755-REDT) y PAIDESOC. El desván de la razón: Cultivo de las pasiones, identidades éticas y sociedades digitales (FFI2017-88272-P). ; Peer Reviewed

[EN] We trace here the layout of Cassirer's intellectual itinerary, highlightning the growing political commitment in his thought as he faces the national socialist ideology from the vantage point of history of ideas and his philosophy of the symbolic forms, invoking in this sense the spirit of Enlightenment in general and Kant in a very particular way as well. Cassirer's ideological rebuttal of Nazism begins in 1928 with his hommage to the Weimar Republic and reaches up to 1945 with The Myth of State. Here however it is presented an interpretation of the dangerously moral meaning that Judaism had for the totalitarian ideology of National Socialism. ; Este trabajo se adscribe a los Proyectos de Investigación Philosophy of History and Globalisation of Knowledge. Cultural Bridges Between Europe and Latin America: WORLDBRIDGES (F7-PEOPLE-2013-IRSES: PIRSES-GA-2013-612644), PRISMAS filosófico-morales de las crisis: Hacia una nueva pedagogía sociopolítica (FFI2013-42395-P), New Trust-com (S2015-HUM-1466), Cultura de la Legalidad y lucha contra la corrupción (DER2015-71755-REDT) y PAIDESOC. El desván de la razón: Cultivo de las pasiones, identidades éticas y sociedades digitales (FFI2017-88272-P). ; Peer Reviewed

[EN] Just as Hume awoke Kant from his dogmatic slumber and Rousseau unveiled the moral world for him, Diderot may have introduced him to the universe of politics. Without knowing it, the mature Kant might have been quite influenced by both the Diderot who made the History of the Two Indies the >Bible of revolutions> and that of the Encyclopedia. The article defends the thesis that the entire Enlightenment project was a radical one and that it is convenient to downplay the distinction between moderate and radical Enlightenment, given that their commonalities seem to outweigh their differences. Spinoza and Heine could be useful in terms of highlighting this idea. ; [ES] Así como Hume despertó a Kant del sueño dogmático y Rousseau le descubrió el mundo moral, Diderot le habría hecho acceder al universo de la política. El último Kant podría estar muy influido, sin saberlo, por el Diderot que convirtió la Historia de las dos Indias en la >Biblia de las revoluciones>, así como por el de la Enciclopedia. Se defiende la tesis de que todo el proyecto ilustrado tendría una índole radical, y conviene matizar la distinción entre Ilustración moderada e Ilustración radical, toda vez que los puntos en común parecen superar a las discrepancias. Spinoza y Heine podrían resultar útiles para enfatizar este parecer. ; Peer Reviewed

[EN] This paper tracks the influence that Plato and Rousseau had on Kant's thinking, taking as key point the meaning given to ideals and revêries, moving from the idea that republican ideals of Plato were received by Kant's practical philosophy through the mediation of Rousseau. I claim that the internal revolution that, according to Kant, each human being goes through around his 40es, was highly influenced by the reading of Rousseau, which Kant precisely endevours as one of his most close friends dies and he remains deeply shocked by the lost. In this context arises the till now less studied Kant's concern with inequality and social injustice, analysed in spanish-speaking Kant scholarship by María Julia Bertomeu and Nuria Sánchez Madrid. ; [ES] En este trabajo se rastrean las improntas dejadas en el pensamiento político kantiano por ciertas consideraciones de Platón y de Rousseau, que aquí hemos dado en identificar como ideales y ensoñaciones, con la convicción de que los ideales republicanos del primero influyeron en el segundo y habrían llegado por ese conductor a la reflexión práctica de Kant. La revolución interior que, según Kant, cada uno de nosotros verifica alrededor de los cuarenta años, habría tenido como un factor determinante en su propio caso la lectura de Rousseau, que Kant realiza justamente cuando muere uno de sus amigos más cercanos y queda impactado por esa pérdida. En este contexto cobra cuerpo una relativamente desatendida preocupación kantiana por la desigualdad y la injusticia social, que han estudiado por ejemplo entre nosotros María Julia Bertomeu y Nuria Sánchez Madrid ; Peer Reviewed

It is the sole topic of conversation throughout Europe. An economic crisis with an underlying crisis of values is devastating everything, while politics has nothing to say. An attempt was made to base the European Unión on a single currency, and the resulting traders¿ Europe prevented the desired political project from bearing fruit. Instead of comparing different legal systems before creating a constitution for citizens, we have seen the birth of a new ¿idolatry¿ that is connected with a perverse fatalism. Only macroeconomic figures are considered to be important, while citizens have to suffer because of the actions of a few unscrupulous people who worship profit as well as having legalised usury. Given this situation it is necessary to take all types of precaution, and that is why it is a good idea to see what classical authors have to say. The Enlightenment seems to be a failed project that urgently needs to be restarted. It may be enormously useful to re-read Rousseau, as Cassirer did during the rise of Nazism so that it could be fought on the basis of the history of ideas. His discourse on inequality could not be more relevant now. And the same consideration applies to the genealogical study of the French revolution by Tocqueville. That was the revolution par excellence which Kant described as a symbol of the moral progress of mankind. ; Peer Reviewed

[EN] This article aims to demonstrate that the history of politics philosophy in Kant isthe exercise of a historian philosopher of politics, since this story is organized by an idea ofreason. Thus, it is not simply a narrative based on historical events; rather, it is the organizerof such events ordered by a conductor thread that in a panoramic view of Kantian productionwas called by purpose of nature, providence or fate and conductor thread. The presentation ofthe idea of reason that organizes the history of the politics will be presented in chronologicalorder of Kantian production, thus demonstrating the different ideas of reason that organize thenarrative of politics history of humankind and as such organizer idea was a purpose of thenature and becomes a kind of republican enthusiasm. Finally, showing that such change oforganizer idea of humankind history do not imply contradictions in aligning them, on thecontrary, signal to such history as an outline of a history of politics philosophy ; [ES] Este artigo objetiva demonstrar que a historia da filosofia política em Kant é oexercício de um historiador filosófico da política, visto que essa história é organizada por umaideia da razão. Assim, ela não é simplesmente uma narrativa fundada em acontecimentoshistóricos, ao contrário, é a organização de tais fatos ordenados por um fio condutor, quenuma visão panorâmica da produção kantiana foi chamado de propósito da natureza,providência ou destino e de fio condutor. A apresentação da ideia da razão que organiza ahistória da política será apresentada em ordem cronológica da produção kantiana, assimdemonstrando as diferentes ideias da razão que organizam a narrativa história política dogênero humano e como tal ideia organizadora era um propósito da natureza e tornou-se umtipo de entusiasmo republicano. Por fim, evidenciando que tais mudanças da ideiaorganizadora da história do gênero humana não implicam em contradições no alinhamentodelas, pelo contrário, sinalizam para tal história como um esboço de uma história da filosofiapolítica. ; Peer reviewed

In his speech of 1944 on Philosophy and Politics, Ernst Cassirer puts forward an idea that will be revisited in The Myth of the State and prevails in a good part of his works. Philosophy must be accountable for promoting certain political climates, such as what happened with some thinkers who favoured the consolidation of Nazism. Thought crises may generate social or political turbulences, because in these circumstances there is a continuous dialectic between thinkers and people of action, between ideas and facts, summing up, between theory and praxis. The main historic-political problems cannot be solved without taking into account the fundamental questions approached from a philosophical perspective, because there is an unavoidable interaction between the structure of ideas and our socio-political reality. The Davos's debate, The idea of the Republican Constitution, The problem Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Moral Philosophy, Rights and Metaphysics: A dialogue with Axel Hägerstrom are presented in order to illustrate this thesis defended by the author of this paper, who has also written La Quimera del Rey Filósofo (The Chimera of the Philosopher King). ; Peer reviewed

[ES] Si no estoy equivocado, nuestro acervo cultural nos hace asociar casi automáticamente a la culpa con un concepto religioso, de raigambre judeocristiana para ser más precisos, mientras que al mismo tiempo tiende a identificar la responsabilidad con una categoría eminentemente jurídica. La culpa se presenta como algo estrechamente vinculado con el pecado y la religión o, a lo sumo, con el psicoanálisis, en tanto que la responsabilidad suele circunscribirse de oficio al ámbito del derecho penal o relacionarse protocolariamente con la esfera política. Sin embargo, aunque las palabras «culpa» y «responsabilidad» no se prodiguen demasiado en los diccionarios consagrados a la ética, sí constituyen conceptos claves de la reflexión moral. Mi propósito aquí es presentarlos como dimensiones o vertientes complementarias de nuestra conciencia. Desde luego, cualquiera puede asumir una determinada responsabilidad sin sentirse culpable y, a la inversa, siempre hay quien prefiere regodearse con su sentimiento de culpabilidad sin sentirse responsable por la causa del mismo, pero lo suyo es que ambas nociones vayan de consuno y la culpa sea un síntoma de responsabilidad o que atender a las propias responsabilidades ahuyente cualquier asomo de culpabilidad por nuestra parte. ; [EN] If I am not mistaken, our cultural baggage leads us almost automati· cally to associate guilt with a religious concept. To be more precise this has Judean- Christian roots. At the same time it also tends to lead to the identification of res· ponsibility with strictly legal matters. Guilt is presented in close association with religion or, at most, with psychoanalysis, given that responsibility is usually restricted to criminal law or is associated in terms of protocol with polities. Nevertheless, although the words «guilt» and «responsibility » do not occur very often in dictionaries of ethics, they are key concepts in moral thought. My purpose here is to present them as dimensions or complementary aspects of our moral sense. It is of course possible for anyone to aecept a specific responsibility without feeling guilty while, on the other hand, some peopIe will always prefer to wallow in feelings of guilt without feeling responsible for the cause of the same. However, it is correct for both notions to work together with one accord. Guiltshould therefore be a symptom of responsibility, while attending to our own responsibilities should be enough to ensure a complete lack of personal guilt. ; Peer reviewed