Suchergebnisse

Este artículo explora, desde el concepto de resistencia ontológica, la movilización que los líderes indígenas y afrocolombianos realizaron para reclamar un espacio como pueblos colectivos autónomos en las negociaciones de paz entre el gobierno de Colombia y las FARC-EP. Fruto de este ejercicio de resistencia, las comunidades lograron incluir un Capítulo Étnico en el Acuerdo Final de Paz que representó una victoria simbólica para su autonomía. A través del análisis del discurso, argumentamos que la construcción de paz para los pueblos indígenas y afrodescendientes pasa por el respecto a sus ontologías relacionales, su autonomía y su autodeterminación. ; This article explores, from the concept of ontological resistance, the mobilization that the indigenous and Afro-Colombian leaders, as autonomous collective peoples, carried out to claim a space in the peace negotiations between the government of Colombia and the FARC-EP. As a result of their exercise of resistance, the communities managed to include an Ethnic Chapter in the Final Peace Agreement, which represented a symbolic victory for their autonomy. Through discourse analysis, we argue that the construction of peace for indigenous peoples and Afro-Colombians implies the respect of their ontologies, their autonomy and their self-determination. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

This paper maps and systematizes the different discourses around peace in the public sphere in Colombia during the context of the latest peace negotiations between the government and the guerrilla group FARC-EP. The analysis of the discourses of peace is boiled down to four main approaches: a. Peace is understood as a relational dynamic that allows for the deconstruction of the binary friend-enemy and the recognition of the other; b. peace is seen as a condition that enables security and the deepening of economic development through neoliberal policies; c. peace is re-signified through the signifier 'territory', to refer to the need of local involvement to define and implement peace policies in order to take into account the needs from those living and being in the territories; and d. peace is proposed as the consecution of social and environmental justice, accompanied of an alternative development that ensures the autonomy of indigenous, black communities, and peasants to decide how they want to live, how they want to exist. The ultimate goal of this paper is to explore the power-resistance dynamics at play in the re-definition of peace during the window of opportunity that the peace dialogues represented. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

Tese no âmbito do Doutoramento em Relações Internacionais - Política Internacional e Resolução de Conflitos apresentada à Faculdade de Economia da Universidade de Coimbra ; The 2016 Final Peace Agreement signed between the government of Colombia and the guerilla group FARC-EP was a historical moment that put an end to a protracted conflict that lasted more than 50 years. Although the negotiations took place between the two parties during four years (2012-2016), in the picture of the signature of the agreement there were a dozen of indigenous and black representatives that managed to join the negotiations in the very last months. They were in the picture because they managed to negotiate that very same day the inclusion of an Ethnic Chapter that included the respect for all their ethnic-territorial rights historically acquired and secured, and whose implementation would be in line with their notion of autonomy and self-government, namely by consulting with them and also guaranteeing ethnic participation in peace policies and institutions. How did these ethnic identities come into play during the peace agreement and the implementation phase between the government of Colombia and the FARC? Drawing from decolonial and post-structural studies, this thesis looks into how peacemaking and peacebuilding can reproduce (or not) certain power structures that are already in place in post-colonial countries and societies, and in turn how these marginalized peoples' practices of resistance cope, defy, instrumentalize, and even overcome them. Based on the fieldwork conducted in Colombia during fifteen months, this dissertation explores first how these ethnic peoples worked their way into the negotiations by both mobilizing nationally and internationally and, second, to what extent the precepts of the Ethnic Chapter were taken into account during the first two years of the implementation phase. In particular, the thesis focuses on how the Development Programs with a (Ethnic) Territorial-Based Focus (PDET) were designed in the department of Chocó among government agents and ethnic-territorial organizations. This work argues that it was the agency of the ethnic peoples, their historical capacity to resist and mobilize, and their capacity to join forces between black and indigenous peoples what allowed them to pressure the government to invite them to the negotiations and include the Ethnic Chapter. However, that unprecedented moment of the negotiations represented a window of opportunity that was then closed during the implementation phase, as the colonial structures of power, that have historically relegated their identities, knowledges, and ways of being, flourished once again. Despite the fact that ethnic-territorial organizations gained some space within different institutions in charge of the implementation, they were not consulted for the majority of the agreement's subsequent legislation and the centralist logic of the government prevailed. In the design of the PDET in particular, although large segments of the population, including ethnic groups, participated in the assemblies, their worldviews did not transcend from their local realities to the central government of the country; instead, time constraints, technical procedures, and the government agency's know-how have so far dominated the whole process and limited an intercultural dialogue. ; O Acordo Final de Paz de 2016, assinado entre o governo da Colômbia e o grupo guerrilheiro FARC-EP, foi um momento histórico que pôs fim a um conflito prolongado que durou mais de 50 anos. Embora as negociações tenham ocorrido entre as duas partes durante quatro anos (2012-2016), na imagem da assinatura do acordo, havia uma dúzia de representantes indígenas e negros que se conseguiram juntar aos últimos meses das negociações. Aparecem na fotografia porque conseguiram negociar no mesmo dia da assinatura do acordo a inclusão de um capítulo étnico que incluísse o respeito por todos os seus direitos étnico-territoriais adquiridos historicamente e que garantisse que a implementação do acordo estivesse alinhada com o seu entendimento de autonomia e de governo autónomo, consultando-os e envolvendo também a participação étnica em várias políticas e instituições de paz. De que forma é que as identidades étnicas entraram em jogo durante o acordo de paz e a fase de implementação entre o governo da Colômbia e as FARC? Partindo de estudos decoloniais e pós-estruturalistas, a tese analisa como a construção da paz pode (ou não) reproduzir certas estruturas de poder que já existem nos países e sociedades pós-coloniais e, por sua vez, como as práticas de resistência desses povos marginalizados as podem desafiar, instrumentalizar e até superar. Com base no trabalho de campo realizado na Colômbia durante quinze meses, esta dissertação explora primeiro como estes povos étnicos entraram nas negociações, mobilizando-se nacional e internacionalmente e, segundo, até que ponto os preceitos do Capítulo Étnico foram levados em conta durante os primeiros dois anos da fase de implementação. Em particular, a tese explora como os Programas de Desenvolvimento com Foco Territorial (Étnico) foram projetados no departamento de Chocó, entre os agentes governamentais e as organizações étnico-territoriais. Este trabalho argumenta que foi a agência dos povos étnicos, a sua capacidade histórica de resistir e de se mobilizar, e a sua capacidade de unir forças entre povos negros e indígenas, que lhes permitiu pressionar o governo para os convidar para as negociações e incluir o Capítulo Étnico. No entanto, esse momento histórico das negociações representou uma janela de oportunidade que foi fechada durante a fase de implementação, uma vez que as estruturas coloniais de poder que tradicionalmente relegaram as suas identidades, conhecimentos e formas de ser, floresceram novamente. Apesar das organizações étnico-territoriais terem ganho espaço em diferentes instituições encarregadas da implementação, elas não foram consultadas relativamente à maioria da legislação relacionada com o acordo e a lógica centralista do governo prevaleceu. Na concepção do PDET, em particular, apesar de grandes segmentos da população, incluindo os grupos étnicos, participarem das assembleias, as suas cosmovisões não transcenderam das suas realidades locais para o governo central do país e para a sociedade em geral; em vez disso, as restrições de tempo, procedimentos técnicos e know-how da agência governamental dominaram, até agora, todo o processo e limitaram um diálogo intercultural.

This paper maps and systematizes the different discourses around peace in the public sphere in Colombia during the context of the latest peace negotiations between the government and the guerrilla group FARC-EP. The analysis of the discourses of peace is boiled down to four main approaches: a. Peace is understood as a relational dynamic that allows for the deconstruction of the binary friend-enemy and the recognition of the other; b. peace is seen as a condition that enables security and the deepening of economic development through neoliberal policies; c. peace is re-signified through the signifier 'territory', to refer to the need of local involvement to define and implement peace policies in order to take into account the needs from those living and being in the territories; and d. peace is proposed as the consecution of social and environmental justice, accompanied of an alternative development that ensures the autonomy of indigenous, black communities, and peasants to decide how they want to live, how they want to exist. The ultimate goal of this paper is to explore the power-resistance dynamics at play in the re-definition of peace during the window of opportunity that the peace dialogues represented.

Este artículo explora, desde el concepto de resistencia ontológica, la movilización que los líderes indígenas y afrocolombianos realizaron para reclamar un espacio como pueblos colectivos autónomos en las negociaciones de paz entre el gobierno de Colombia y las FARC-EP. Fruto de este ejercicio de resistencia, las comunidades lograron incluir un Capítulo Étnico en el Acuerdo Final de Paz que representó una victoria simbólica para su autonomía. A través del análisis del discurso, argumentamos que la construcción de paz para los pueblos indígenas y afrodescendientes pasa por el respecto a sus ontologías relacionales, su autonomía y su autodeterminación.

Este artículo explora, desde el concepto de resistencia ontológica, la movilización que los líderes indígenas y afrocolombianos realizaron para reclamar un espacio como pueblos colectivos autónomos en las negociaciones de paz entre el gobierno de Colombia y las FARC-EP. Fruto de este ejercicio de resistencia, las comunidades lograron incluir un Capítulo Étnico en el Acuerdo Final de Paz que representó una victoria simbólica para su autonomía. A través del análisis del discurso, argumentamos que la construcción de paz para los pueblos indígenas y afrodescendientes pasa por el respecto a sus ontologías relacionales, su autonomía y su autodeterminación ; This article explores, from the concept of ontological resistance, the mobilization that the indigenous and Afro-Colombian leaders, as autonomous collective peoples, carried out to claim a space in the peace negotiations between the government of Colombia and the FARC-EP. As a result of their exercise of resistance, the communities managed to include an Ethnic Chapter in the Final Peace Agreement, which represented a symbolic victory for their autonomy. Through discourse analysis, we argue that the construction of peace for indigenous peoples and Afro-Colombians implies the respect of their ontologies, their autonomy and their self-determination ; Este artículo fue posible gracias a la beca de doctorado 2015-2019 de la Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia, número PD/ BD/113997/2015, y a la estancia de investigación en el Observatorio de Paz de la Universidad Jorge Tadeo Lozano de Bogotá

This article explores, from the concept of ontological resistance, the mobilization that the indigenous and Afro-Colombian leaders, as autonomous collective peoples, carried out to claim a space in the peace negotiations between the government of Colombia and the FARC-EP. As a result of their exercise of resistance, the communities managed to include an Ethnic Chapter in the Final Peace Agreement, which represented a symbolic victory for their autonomy. Through discourse analysis, we argue that the construction of peace for indigenous peoples and Afro-Colombians implies the respect of their ontologies, their autonomy and their self-determination. ; Este artículo explora, desde el concepto de resistencia ontológica, la movilización que los líderes indígenas y afrocolombianos realizaron para reclamar un espacio como pueblos colectivos autónomos en las negociaciones de paz entre el gobierno de Colombia y las FARC-EP. Fruto de este ejercicio de resistencia, las comunidades lograron incluir un Capítulo Étnico en el Acuerdo Final de Paz que representó una victoria simbólica para su autonomía. A través del análisis del discurso, argumentamos que la construcción de paz para los pueblos indígenas y afrodescendientes pasa por el respecto a sus ontologías relacionales, su autonomía y su autodeterminación.

AbstractThis article explores the experience of the Afro-Colombian movement over the course of two peace processes, investigating the relationship between opportunities for participation and effective inclusion. The 1991 Constituent Assembly that emerged from the peace processes of the late 1980s presented a particularly open opportunity for civil society participation, and yet the Afro-Colombian movement was unable to gain representation in negotiations for a new constitution. In the 2016 peace process with the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia, or FARC, despite insistence from the government that its negotiations with FARC were exclusively bilateral, the Afro movement was able to gain a seat at the table along with its Indigenous counterparts and generate a commitment from both parties to protect ethnic rights, known as the Capítulo Étnico (Ethnic Chapter). In contrast to existing literature that focuses on international actors as drivers of inclusion, we argue that effective inclusion reflects in large part the internal capacity, coherence, and unity of the movements themselves.

Objective/Context: We examine how participatory peacebuilding projects create emancipatory outcomes by investigating the implementation of Territorially Focused Development Programs (Programas de Desarrollo con Enfoque Territorial, PDETs), one of the centerpieces of the Colombian peace process. We define "emancipatory outcomes" as allocations of decision-making power (e.g., control over budgets, project priorities) and/or material benefits (e.g., new infrastructure, public goods) to marginalized groups in society. Methodology: The article is based on a combination of ethnographic peace research and semi-structured interviews with key government and civil actors involved in the design and implementation of the PDETs both at the national and local levels. We focus on the PDET of the department of Chocó, where both authors conducted ethnographic work during the design and implementation of the peace program between January 2018 and March 2020. Conclusions: We argue that the emancipatory outcomes of a participatory project are never fixed in advance: the degree to which such projects serve bottom-up, emancipatory goals rather than top-down state expansion are contingent on the outcomes of contestation and cooperation processes between actors within and outside the state. Originality: Critical scholarship tends to understand participatory peacebuilding programs as top-down programs to co-opt grassroots actors and expand the reach of the state rather than emancipatory projects that create real shifts in existing political settlements. Our contribution lies in the study of the dynamics of these peace processes to identify the potential spaces they open for emancipatory goals. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

This article examines how civil society organisations are able to shape the politics of knowledge production of truth commissions (TCs). The article argues that their capacity varies according to the ongoing power dynamics resulting from local, national and international factors that shape the establishment of a TC. The interactions of these factors are studied through an analytical framework that assesses three dimensions, namely: the standardisation and diffusion of global transitional justice (TJ) norms; the footprint of these norms in the design of TCs at the national level; and the negotiation of the mandate of a TC with civil society actors.