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This article examines the electoral impact of social protest movements, providing new methodological and conceptual approaches to the subject. Two fields of study, social movements and new political parties, seem to have left a sparsely treated gap between the two: the connection between the rise of social movements and the subsequent emergence of new political parties. Specifically, we are interested in investigating how the foundations of a protest movement electorally behave at the emergence of a new party –one that theoretically reflects the central demands of the movement. We analyze how the support to the 15M movement (also known as the Indignants) has evolved into electoral support to Podemos after its first months of existence. To do this, we compare the social profiles of 15M supporters and Podemos voters through the introduction of an electoral crystallization indication. The results suggest that Podemos vote in the 2014 European elections can be seen as an extension of the protests in the electoral field. This continuity with the protest seems to characterize the appearance of the new party, both in the social base of its first electorate as in regard to its narrative-symbolic aspect. Further, its first electoral base did not respond so much to a 'protest vote' –in the sense proposed by Van der Eijk– but rather to a 'vote of the protest', gaining electoral support from those more identified with the 15M demands. Finally, comparing the results with other studies, we noted that the political and institutional confidence crisis has an asymmetric effect on the electoral dynamics along the ideological spectrum, a much more intense one than observed on the support to the protest movements. Thus, the ideology is presented as the main regulator of the electoral impact of political dissatisfaction among citizens. ; Nuestro trabajo trata de aportar nuevas aproximaciones metodológicas y conceptuales al análisis del impacto electoral de movimientos sociales y de protesta. Dos campos de estudio, el de los movimientos sociales y el de nuevos partidos políticos, parecen haber dejado un hueco analítico escasamente tratado entre los dos: la conexión entre el auge de movimientos sociales y la posterior aparición de nuevos partidos políticos. Concretamente, nos interesa indagar cómo se comportan electoralmente las bases de un movimiento de protesta ante la aparición de un nuevo partido que, teóricamente, recoge las demandas centrales del movimiento. Analizamos el paso del apoyo al movimiento 15M (conocido también como los indignados) al apoyo electoral a Podemos tras sus primeros meses de existencia. Para ello introducimos el cálculo de un índice de cristalización electoral para diferentes grupos sociales, lo que nos permite contribuir a la caracterización de la emergencia del nuevo partido. Los datos apuntan a que el voto a Podemos en las elecciones europeas de 2014 puede entenderse como a una extensión de la protesta en el campo electoral. Esta continuidad con la protesta parece caracterizar la aparición del nuevo partido, tanto en la base social de su primer electorado como en lo que se refiere a su aspecto narrativo-simbólico. Su primera base electoral no respondería tanto a un voto de protesta – en el sentido planteado por Van der Eijk– sino, más bien, a un voto de la protesta, consiguiendo captar electoralmente a aquellos simpatizantes del 15M más identificados con sus principales reivindicaciones. Finalmente, contrastando los resultados con otros estudios, apuntamos que la crisis política y de confianza institucional tendría un efecto asimétrico en la dinámica electoral a lo largo del arco ideológico, de un modo mucho más intenso de lo que ocurre en el apoyo a los movimientos de protesta. Así, la ideología se presenta como el principal regulador del impacto electoral de la insatisfacción política entre la ciudadanía. This article examines the electoral impact of social protest movements, providing new methodological and conceptual approaches to the subject. Two fields of study, social movements and new political parties, seem to have left a sparsely treated gap between the two: the connection between the rise of social movements and the subsequent emergence of new political parties. Specifically, we are interested in investigating how the foundations of a protest movement electorally behave at the emergence of a new party –one that theoretically reflects the central demands of the movement. We analyze how the support to the 15M movement (also known as the Indignants) has evolved into electoral support to Podemos after its first months of existence. To do this, we compare the social profiles of 15M supporters and Podemos voters through the introduction of an electoral crystallization indication. The results suggest that Podemos vote in the 2014 European elections can be seen as an extension of the protests in the electoral field. This continuity with the protest seems to characterize the appearance of the new party, both in the social base of its first electorate as in regard to its narrative-symbolic aspect. Further, its first electoral base did not respond so much to a 'protest vote' –in the sense proposed by Van der Eijk– but rather to a 'vote of the protest', gaining electoral support from those more identified with the 15M demands. Finally, comparing the results with other studies, we noted that the political and institutional confidence crisis has an asymmetric effect on the electoral dynamics along the ideological spectrum, a much more intense one than observed on the support to the protest movements. Thus, the ideology is presented as the main regulator of the electoral impact of political dissatisfaction among citizens.

Los estudios sociales sobre la discapacidad han aumentado en número eimportancia en España y otros países durante los últimos años. Sinembargo, la mayoría de fuentes de información y estudios disponibles norecogen de manera adecuada la realidad de un colectivo muy heterogéneo,que supone en la actualidad aproximadamente el 9 por ciento de lapoblación española. La implementación de medidas sociales requiere defuentes y estudios representativos que aporten información precisaacerca de estas personas. El objetivo de esta nota es identifi car lasprincipales difi cultades que se plantean a la hora de diseñar y llevara la práctica metodologías de investigación social adecuadas hacia laspersonas con discapacidad, así como ofrecer propuestas y recomendacionespara avanzar hacia una investigación social más inclusiva,mediante los conceptos de accesibilidad y diseño para todos.

Este trabajo realiza una estimación del gasto por alumno en educacióninfantil, primaria y secundaria de las administraciones públicas y lasfamilias, en función de la titularidad del centro educativo. Se usan datosde 2007 de la Encuesta sobre Gasto de los Hogares en Educación y de laEstadística del Gasto Público en Educación. El gasto público anual porestudiante matriculado en centros concertados fue un 49,9% respecto algasto en centros públicos. El gasto anual de las familias en centrospúblicos fue un 38,7% del gasto en centros concertados. El gasto totalpor estudiante en centros concertados constituyó el 66,9% del gasto encentros públicos. La escolarización en centros concertados supone unareducción del gasto público, así como el trasvase de parte de los costeseducativos a las familias.

Este trabajo realiza una estimación del gasto por alumno en educación infantil, primaria y secundaria de las administraciones públicas y las familias, en función de la titularidad del centro educativo. Se usan datos de 2007 de la Encuesta sobre Gasto de los Hogares en Educación y de la Estadística del Gasto Público en Educación. El gasto público anual por estudiante matriculado en centros concertados fue un 49,9% respecto al gasto en centros públicos. El gasto anual de las familias en centros públicos fue un 38,7% del gasto en centros concertados. El gasto total por estudiante en centros concertados constituyó el 66,9% del gasto en centros públicos. La escolarización en centros concertados supone una reducción del gasto público, así como el trasvase de parte de los costes educativos a las familias. ; This paper estimates public and private (household) spending per student on education in early childhood, primary and secondary education in Spain, in public educational institutions and in publicly-funded private educational institutions. We use 2007 data from the Household Spending on Education Survey and the Statistics on Public Spending on Education. Public expenditure on education per student in publicly-funded private educational institutions was 49.9% that spent on public educational institutions. The cost assumed by families in public institutions was 38.7% that spent on publicly-funded private educational institutions. The total expenditure per student on publicly-funded private educational institutions was 66.9% that spent on public educational institutions. Enrollment in publicly-funded private educational institutions implies a reduction of public expenditure on education and the transfer of part of those educational expenses to families.

Este artículo realiza una aproximación a las condiciones laborales de las trabajadoras inmigrantes que cuidan personas mayores en su domicilio, a través de su dimensión temporal: tiempo de trabajo y horarios. Se aplicó una encuesta piloto sobre uso del tiempo (N= 24) y se realizaron 60 entrevistas en profundidad a cuidadoras inmigrantes en la Comunidad de Madrid (España) en 2008. Los resultados reflejan que la jornada laboral de las cuidadoras se sitúa muy por encima de la jornada ordinaria, con 75 horas semanales, que alcanzan las 131 horas en el caso de las internas. Se distinguen dos tipos de cuidadoras en función de las actividades que realizan: la «acompañante-ama de casa», que desarrolla fundamentalmente actividades domésticas y de acompañamiento, y la «enfermera-ama de casa», cuyo núcleo diferenciador son los cuidados sociosanitarios y las ayudas personales en el hogar. Asimismo, se constata que el uso del tiempo semanal de las cuidadoras varía sustancialmente según régimen de trabajo. El trabajo concluye con una reflexión crítica sobre las condiciones laborales de este colectivo, que se pone en contraste con la regulación laboral española.

PurposeSpain is typically considered a familialistic country where the family is the main responsible for individuals' well-being. Recent demographic, socioeconomic and policy changes raise the question to what extent familialism is regarded as the preferred care arrangement in society or whether more state support is considered legitimate. The purpose of this paper is to analyse individual preferences among Spanish residents regarding care responsibility for pre-school children and the frail elderly, and the factors that influence such preferences.Design/methodology/approachRepresentative data from the 2012 International Social Survey Programme are used (n=1419). Six patterns of care responsibility that capture preferences regarding who, between the family or the state, should provide and pay for the care of pre-school children and the frail elderly are identified. Logistic regressions are performed on each care responsibility pattern to analyse the factors influencing individuals' preferences.FindingsMultiple preferences coexist and state responsibility is often preferred over family responsibility, especially for elderly-care. It suggests that the tendency to rely on the family in Spain is due to insufficient support rather than to familialistic values. Individuals who usually bear most care work responsibilities, such as women and individuals in caring ages, or those with a poor health, high care load or low income consider there should be extra-family support. Individuals' values also matter: the least religious, the most supportive of maternal employment and left-wing voters are most likely to reject traditional care arrangements.Originality/valueThis is the first study to analyse both elderly- and childcare policy preferences in one single study. It shows that childcare is more often seen as a family responsibility than elderly care.

Las escuelas infantiles, las excedencias y las reducciones de jornada para el cuidado de niños son recursos fundamentales para la conciliación de las familias españolas. Este trabajo persigue conocer cómo condiciona el uso de los permisos parentales no remunerados la utilización de las escuelas infantiles durante los primeros tres años de vida de los hijos/as. Para ello, se utiliza la Encuesta sobre el uso de permisos parentales en España, 2012 y, a través de tres modelos de regresión logística multivariante, se analizan los factores que se relacionan con la asistencia a la escuela infantil. De acuerdo con los resultados, las reducciones de

Formal child care services (FCCS) have been consolidated in contemporary societies as a fundamental policy for the promotion of reconciliation of work and family life, gender equality and equal opportunities. The objective of this article is to analyse the factors that condition the extent and intensity of use of FCCS by families residing in Spain with children aged 0 to 3 years. Based on European Statistics on Income and Living Conditions 2016, we estimate a zero-inflated Poisson regression model. Unlike fathers, employed mothers are more likely to use FCCS than unemployed mothers, and these are likely to use FCCS than homemakers. Household income has a positive impact on likelihood and intensity of such use, but no significant relationship was found with parents educational level. Non-EU immigrant parents are less likely to use FCCS, but if they do, they use it for more hours, as are parents with primary education. Finally, having siblings under the age of seven has a positive effect on FCCS use. Implications of these results for public policy are discussed.

Objective: The question addressed in this study is the possible effect of mothers' use of parental leave on the share of childcare and housework assumed by each parent. Background: Whilst the length of parental leave is greater in Spain than in other European countries, as it is unpaid, take-up rates are low. Such leaves are taken more frequently and for longer periods by women than men. Method: To determine the answer, two multivariate regression models were applied to National Statistics Institute 2018 Fertility Survey data. The main independent variables were fathers' and mothers' use of parental leave. The models also controlled for the effects of family and socio-economic variables on the share of childcare and housework assumed by each parent. Results: The findings showed that mothers' use of unpaid full-time parental leave traditionalises the distribution of domestic chores only when the leave extends beyond one year, whereas part-time leave-taking has no effect whatsoever. That such reversion to tradition can be neutralised when fathers take leaves attests to the advisability of encouraging paternal use. The effects apply to childcare only, however, for other household chores are still distributed along very traditional lines. Conclusion: Unpaid parental leave use by mothers "traditionalizes" the allocation of childcare within the couple, but only when it takes longer than a year.

Caring fatherhood in very traditional and masculinized environments has been under-researched. This study analyzed the experience of Spanish policemen who used parental leave to care for their babies alone while their partners returned to paid work. The aim was to ascertain whether use of parental leaves under those circumstances favors the development of caring masculinity. The qualitative methodology deployed consisted in semi-structured interviews conducted in 2014 with a sample of 15 policemen who took parental leave alone for at least 4 weeks while their partners returned to paid work. More specifically, the analysis addressed the respondents' discourse on the justification of their decision to engage in this type of childcare, the workplace reaction to the decision, and their experience when fathering alone. The findings suggest that, even though hegemonic masculinity persisted in part of these fathers' discourse and experience, engagement in such innovative practice tended to narrow the divide between traditional and caring masculinity. The conclusion drawn is that encouraging fathers to take leave to care for their children alone is a useful tool for furthering caring masculinity in highly masculinized environments.