Suchergebnisse

Since 1978 when Deng Xiaoping took over the leadership of China after the demise of Mao Zedong in 1976, the country witnessed dramatic changes in the human rights situation. These included freedom in performing religious obligations such as pilgrimage, for the Muslim Uyghurs and freedom to practice their culture and language. Hence, there was an overall improvement in human rights situation in Xinjiang province. However, in the late 1990s the Chinese Communist Party reverted to harsh policies once again. They declared the policy of 'Strike Hard' which sanctioned the use of torture and arbitrary detention as well as extra-judicial killings of the Uyghurs. This article examines the factors that have influenced China's policies on the human rights condition in Xinjiang from 1978 until 2007. It also analyses the role of Uyghur diasporas in their struggle to internationalise the human rights issues in Xinjiang and China's reaction towards the international pressures.

This study examines the role of personalities in Nigeria's contributions to PKOs in Africa and beyond. The paper argued that the successes achieved by Nigeria in PKOs would not have been possible without such personalities at the helm of affairs. The study established that the actions of characters involved in PKOs have both positive and negative consequences. The accumulation of experiences through its PKOs has helped develop the country's security and economy and built sufficient institutions. In contrast, the country's PKO policies had, at the same time, strengthened and enabled institutionalise corruption and indiscipline within the military and the general society at large, with mediocracy being the order of the day and compromises in almost all government businesses. The study recommends strengthening institutions – such as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Defence and other relevant agencies rather than individuals.

This paper examines Malaysia's civilian-military relationship, assessing why the military has remained apolitical since Malaysia's independence and the consequences that might lead to changing dynamics in the relations. By utilizing a qualitative case study method, the paper explores the theories exploring modern civilian-military relations and establish the usage of the framework adapted from Croissant et al. to evaluate Malaysia's civilian-military relationship. The five areas assessed in the framework are leadership selection, public policy, internal security, external defence, and military organization. From here three factors play a crucial role in possibly changing the balance of military-civilian relations in Malaysia. These are the integrity of political institutions, the role of the King in military organization and worsening socio-economic conditions. (Asian Aff/GIGA)

In 2018, Malaysia saw a change of ruling parties for the first time since its independence. Malaysian democracy however, remains monopolized by the ruling elites and dominated by a strong state. This paper looks at the multidimensional relations between state, economy and society that characterize the Malaysian democracy and is divided into five thematic sections. Firstly, the key characteristics of Malaysia's state, society and economy are discussed. Secondly, the paper looks at some of the main historical and transformative features of Malaysia's modern statehood including the colonial experience under the British, which institutionalized race-based politics as well as the government's overhaul of its economic and social policies in response to conflict in the late 1960s. The third section looks at some major factors that shape the politics of Malaysia, specifically the factors that contributed to BN's long hold on power. Section four of the paper looks at the major shifts in the relations between state, society and economy and its impact on Malaysian democracy. Finally, the fifth section assesses the challenges and prospect of the country since the change in ruling parties. (Asian Aff/GIGA)

The narrative of Somalia as 'a nation without a state' has been central to analyses seeking to explain state failure, the absence of Weberian political authority, civil war, and the resurgence of radical Islamisation and terrorist networks. While the popular depiction on the causes of state collapse has focused on either external or internal factors, this article shows that the socio-political construction of post-independent Somalia has been more contested than frequently depicted, even before the foreign intervention. It argues that foreign intervention exacerbated the existing inability of the government to build standard state building institutions, and created further diffi culties in forging nation-building. By revisiting the immediate post-colonial period of Somalia under the Soviet Union's infl uence (1969-1978), the aim of this article is not to suggest that we should neglect the internal factors for Somalia's troubled past, but to highlight the destructive consequences of foreign interventions (as an external factor) on post-colonial state-building. It provides further incentives for internal factors to become more pervasive in challenging contemporary international attempts to restore political order in Somalia.

This article examines recent foreign policy of the United States (US) toward Myanmar in the aftermath of the military coup led by Min Aung Hlaing on February 1, 2021. In response to the coup, President Joe Biden imposed targeted sanctions on the responsible military leaders. Against the backdrop of rising tensions between the US and China, this article explores the future of US–Myanmar relations and a possible return to the previously strained relationship from 1994 to 2008. To investigate the motives behind the coup by the Tatmadaw and the responses of the US executive and legislative branches, this article utilizes a combination of document research and semi-structured interviews with retired diplomats, scholars, observers, and activists. The analysis concludes that the US will likely continue its targeted sanctions policy while maintaining diplomatic relations with Naypyidaw in order to maintain influence in Myanmar during the US–China strategic competition. The article also highlights the potential for a future deterioration of US–Myanmar relations. (Asian Aff / GIGA)

The purpose of this study is to examine Malaysia's diplomatic relations with Syria through three periods: pre-Mahathir era, the first phase of Mahathir era (1981-2003) and the 'inter-Mahathir' years (2003-2018) - referring to the period prior to the return of Mahathir as Prime Minister for the second time in 2018. Ultimately, this study attempts to identify the key factors determining the nature of Malaysia's bilateral ties with Syria during the Mahathir era. The methodology adopted for this study is qualitative in nature, relying on primary and secondary sources, the former being personal interviews conducted with Tun Dr. Mahathir himself and also with scholars in the field. This paper argues that during the pre-Mahathir era (1958-1981), relations with Syria were very much based on political and diplomatic considerations. However, during the Mahathir era (1981-2003) the emphasis changed due to the significant economic development and Malaysia's foreign policy took a much more global approach. With this change, economic factors as a foreign policy determinant became more prominent as compared to the pre-Mahathir period. The inter-Mahathir years (2003-2018) did not witness any significant development except for the humanitarian support extended by the Malaysian government during the outbreak of the Syrian conflict in 2011.