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"Countering our divisive times, this invaluable book makes the conservative case in favor of international organizations and cooperation. Moving beyond empty political rhetoric, Dalibor Rohac's meticulous research and clear analysis assess and explain the strengths, flaws, and relevant trade-offs of different forms of global governance"--

This compelling book represents the first systematic justification of the European project from a free-market viewpoint. Instead of advocating for the end of the EU, Rohac argues that conservatives must come to its rescue by helping to reduce the EU's democratic deficit and turning it into an engine of economic dynamism and prosperity.

Abstract
This paper provides a critical assessment of classical liberals' view of foreign and security policy. In the United States, the defenders of free enterprise and limited government have embraced a neorealist perspective on international relations, which typically prescribes restraint for a country's engagement overseas. Neorealism and classical liberalism, however, make strange bedfellows. Neorealism does not share the commitment to methodological individualism embraced by the classical liberal tradition and ignores the problems related to the aggregation of individual preferences into concepts such as the "national interest." Neorealism also downplays the importance of institutions, understood as rules of the game, in favor of crude power calculus. Finally, neorealism is incompatible with the universalist, cosmopolitan outlook of classical liberalism.

What practical lessons can the experience of post-communist transitions in Central and Eastern Europe offer to countries that are attempting to overhaul their economic systems? With the Arab Spring, a window of opportunity has been opened in the Middle East and North Africa to put in place new institutions conducive to entrepreneurship, innovation, and economic growth. To be sure, the world today offers very few examples of genuine centrally planned economies. Even the worst performing low- and mid-income countries do have sizeable private sectors and experience with open markets. However, despite the wide-ranging scale of reform challenges in different societies, many countries in the mid-income world, which are undergoing significant political changes at the moment, will also need to privatize, remove distortionary subsidies, stabilize their public finances, and create space for the growth of the private sector. Adapted from the source document.