Suchergebnisse

Since the Second World War, congressional parties have been characterized as declining in strength and influence. Research has generally attributed this decline to policy conflicts within parties, to growing electoral independence of members, and to the impact of the congressional reforms of the 1970s. Yet the 1980s witnessed a strong resurgence of parties and party leadership-especially in the House of Representatives. Offering a concise and compelling explanation of the causes of this resurgence, David W. Rohde argues that a realignment of electoral forces led to a reduction of

Since the Second World War, congressional parties have been characterized as declining in strength and influence. Research has generally attributed this decline to policy conflicts within parties, to growing electoral independence of members, and to the impact of the congressional reforms of the 1970s. Yet the 1980s witnessed a strong resurgence of parties and party leadership--especially in the House of Representatives. Offering a concise and compelling explanation of the causes of this resurgence, David W. Rohde argues that a realignment of electoral forces led to a reduction of sectional div.

O artigo analisa a decisão dos membros da Câmara de Deputados dos Estados Unidos (House of Representatives) de concorrer ou não a um cargo superior (governador ou senador) durante o período de 1954 a 1974. O trabalho difere de análises anteriores sobre ambição por oferecer uma base teórica mais concreta para o estudo da ambição progressiva e tentar predizer quais deputados vão se candidatar a cargos superiores, mais do que apenas analisar as carreiras daqueles que o fizeram. Apresentam-se hipóteses que tratam da probabilidade de se eleger para o cargo superior, do valor deste cargo, do valor do cargo atual e do impacto causado pela condição de "propensos ao risco" ou não dos deputados. A seguir, testam-se as hipóteses. Por fim, discute-se uma série de outras hipóteses que resultam da teoria.

Prior to 1971 committee-related reforms in the House were primarily changes in the House rules, which had to be voted on by the full membership. After 1971 most committee reforms were in the form of resolutions passed by the Democratic Caucus. The post-1970 reforms dealt primarily with the selection of committee chairmen and the make-up and powers of subcommittees. The most recent of these reforms was the Subcommittee Bill of Rights which established the method of selection of subcommittee chairmen and members and defined powers and duties of subcommittees. One short run result of the reforms has been the strengthening of the liberals within the House. A possible long run consequence both of the use of the Democratic Caucus as a vehicle for reform and of the reforms, themselves, is the creation of a milieu in which the Democratic leadership can exert a substantially greater influence over outcomes within the House.

Prior to 1971 committee-related reforms in the House were primarily changes in the House rules, which had to be voted on by the full membership. After 1971 most committee reforms were in the form of resolutions passed by the Democratic Caucus. The post-1970 reforms dealt primarily with the selection of committee chairmen & the make-up & powers of subcommittees. The most recent of these reforms was the Subcommittee Bill of Rights which established the method of selection of subcommittee chairmen & members & defined powers & duties of subcommittees. One short run result of the reforms has been the strengthening of the liberals within the House. A possible long run consequence both of the use of the Democratic Caucus as a vehicle for reform & of the reforms, themselves, is the creation of a milieu in which the Democratic leadership can exert a substantially greater influence over outcomes within the House. HA.