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This report shreds light on the constitutional principles of Hungary and how the legal system deals with the advanced level of radicalisation in the country. Most importantly, it is widely discussed in the report that there is an element of politics in relation to (the lack of) national de-radicalisation projects. In order to demonstrate how the regime change played crucial role in the emergence of far-right political parties, we pick up the thread in the 1990's. While the considerably short era of capitalism since 1989 gave a chance to the society to build a democracy in which the people are no longer threatened by the political elite, this report establishes the current governing party Fidesz as a new driver of radicalisation in Hungary. As our case studies demonstrate, legislation and the media is often used to further radicalise the society, whereas the authorities lack those sets of tools that could potentially stop aggression and hatred against minority groups. Since the current legal system was re-worked around 2010 when the Fidesz party won the national elections for their second time, there is a radical conservative, often far-right influence that encompasses the Hungarian Constitution and the legislative system in general.

This report examines the media scene in Hungary and how it serves as a tool of radicalisation. It traces mediatisation of certain events that we call first migration related and second cultural legacies related radicalisation and follows the depiction of these issues both in legacy and social media. We interpret such two mechanisms as resonators of micro events to reach macro audiences. In the first instance, the issue relates to what appears as a racially incited attack by a tv camerawoman against an irregular migrant that happens to cross the Hungarian-Serbian border and enter Hungary. In the second instance, we review the general cultural scene in Hungary in order to depict more specifically how certain legacies are circulated and presented for general public consumption. In this instance, we depart from the politicisation of theatre and its consideration as a particular reflection of Hungarian national culture. We delineate more general cultural memes that replicate existing historical legacies in order to maintain theatre in particular and culture in general as pinnacles of keeping historical grievances alive and polarising the society along the themes that continue to serve as a currency of radicalisation. The conclusion wraps up our discussion as to why culture as a topic of research relates to understand the relationship between I-GAP spectrum as an instrument of radicalisation.

This D.Rad 4.1 report shows the ways in which the United Kingdom counter-terrorism laws define terrorism broadly to include all terrorism acts pursuing the advancement of either political, cultural, religious, or racial causes; however, the new laws introduced during the last decade perceive jihadist terrorism as a more serious threat than far-right terrorism. The counter-terrorism laws' over-emphasis on jihadist terrorism reflects the counter-terrorism operations of the law enforcement authorities. Therefore, this report shows the ways people belonging to ethnic and religious minorities are more likely to be suspected of terror-related activities. Despite serious institutional efforts to make the police use of stop and search objective and impartial, the report brings evidence to how the threshold of reasonable suspicion varies from case to case and constable to constable, due to the broad nature of the definition of reasonable suspicion. Counter-terrorism police subdivide far-right terrorism into white supremacy, neo-Nazism, and white cultural imperialism; on the contrary, jihadist terrorism is generally treated as Islamic radicalisation. This approach has wide stigmatisation and alienation effects. In this report, we recommend that a uniform process must be applied to different cases of terrorism. Where the evidence permits (the Thomas Mair case, for example) terrorism charges should be levied to every case of terrorism provided the case come under the definition of terrorism. This report recommends that jihadist terrorism must also be subdivided according to the political, cultural, religious, and racial ideologies of the offender. Such an approach is more likely to help in applying uniform process to all acts of terrorism and redress some of the lasting impacts of institutionalised Islamophobia within the UK legal context.

AbstractOur piece raises a conceptual issue with regards to how migration and deradicalization literature conform with each other in ways that they depict and deal with the self/other dichotomy. Both also aim at "integrating" the "other" through policy‐oriented formal mechanisms. The deviance from the normal, evinced by the self/other dichotomisation in these literature, presents who is not 'us' as the wayward other. In return, the following migration and deradicalization policies both introduce disciplining mechanisms to make societies homogenous and align the "other" with the existing nation‐state structures. Instead, we propose that societies have a non‐binary composition, and they cannot be pushed in becoming homogenous entities. This piece contributes to deradicalization literature by foregrounding the importance of informal engagements rather than policy‐focused formal processes of deradicalization. In conclusion, we show the importance of the ordinary and the convivial activities to achieve inclusion.