Suchergebnisse

This book explores the evolving political culture in Indonesia, by discussing the country's dominant political philosophies, then showing how those philosophies affect the working lives of ordinary Indonesian citizens. It focuses in particular on the working lives of news journalists, a group that occupies a strategic social and political position

Deliberative journalism. Deliberation and journalism / Angela Romano -- American public journalism versus other international media models / Angela Romano -- Public and citizen journalism. Public journalism in South Africa : experiences and experiments with local and community media / Brett Davidson -- Civic journalism initiatives in Nigeria / Tokunbo (Tokz) Awoshakin -- Sustaining public journalism practices : the Australian experience / Angela Romano -- Public journalism, kiwi style : lingering echoes of a big bang / Margie Comrie and David Venables -- Public journalism in Japan : experiments by a national paper / Yohtaro Hamada -- Civic and citizen journalism in Germany / Klaus Forster -- Public journalism in Finnish mainstream newspapers / Laura Avha -- Citizen voices : public journalism made in Colombia / Ana Maria Miralles (translated by Angela Romano) -- Other deliberative models for peace, participation, development and empowerment. Britain's big issue : street papers as social entrepreneurs / Angela Romano -- Inspiring public participation : environmental journalism in China / Jiannu Bao -- Peace journalism in Indonesia / Gita Widya Laksmini Soerjoatmodjo -- Traditions of public journalism in India / Pradip Thomas -- In the hands of the people : citizen media for revitalising Puerto Rico's poor communities / Angela Romano and Anette Sof(c)Ưa Ruiz Morales -- Vira(c)ʹ(c)Đo Magazine : consciousness-raising media for young Brazilians / Paulo Lima and Maria Izabel Le(c)Đo (translated by Angela Romano and Alice Baroni) -- Conclusions. Ongoing issues for deliberative journalism / Angela Romano.ano

Avec ses organisations militaires et économiques exclusives et idéologiquement opposées, l'Europe de l'après 1945 incarne parfaitement le développement symétrique et parallèle des blocs de la guerre froide. En s'appuyant sur la riche historiographie des quinze dernières années, cet article conclusif nuance cette interprétation et invite plutôt à considérer le continent comme un espace complexe où parallélisme, asymétries diverses et convergence coexistaient et traversaient les deux blocs, et où la coopération s'installa entre une multitude d'acteurs divers et dans plusieurs domaines.

Published on 11 September 2019 ; This concluding chapter embeds tourism in the Cold War within the broader debates of Cold War history, contemporary European history, and the history of European integration. Within this scope, the chapter highlights how the volume cuts across the boundaries of these various scholarly fields to present a more complex and multi-layered picture of East–West interactions and the diverse rationales, be they political, economic, cultural, bureaucratic, that either promoted or hampered them. This chapter also connects the subject of tourism in the Cold War with the broader framework of inter-state relations and political agreements embodied in the Helsinki Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), its Final Act, and ensuing process of follow-up conferences. The main argument of the chapter is that, despite the very existence of the Iron Curtain and serious impediments to the circulations of ideas, people, and goods across it, historiographical research in various fields connected with the Cold War is revealing the existence of webs of contacts, exchanges, and influences, as well as a diverse range of agencies involved in making all of this possible.

This article has been published in a revised form in Modern Asian Studies https://doi.org/10.1017/S0026749X16000330. This version is free to view and download for private research and study only. Not for re-distribution, re-sale or use in derivative works. © Cambridge University Press 2017 ; This article focuses on France's policy towards Socialist China in the decade preceding the spectacular and well-studied decision by President Charles de Gaulle to officially recognize the People's Republic of China (PRC). It argues that since the mid-1950s successive French governments discreetly orchestrated a process of rapprochement with the Communist authorities in Beijing. The article demonstrates that, at a time when the international situation discouraged steps towards official relations, the French government used commercial diplomacy as a means to open unofficial diplomatic channels with the Chinese and prepare the ground for future recognition. Relying mostly on French archival sources, this article brings to light evidence of the evolution of French diplomacy's thinking about Socialist China and assesses the rationales behind the French government's growing determination to normalize relations with it. It argues that the intensifying contest among European countries to reach out to Beijing, concerns about the PRC's appeal to developing countries, and an early appraisal of Sino-Soviet rivalry prompted French authorities to work for Sino-French rapprochement, while, at the same time, annoyance at the White House's obstinate refusal to revise its reading of Cold War dynamics weakened France's disposition to fall into line with American demands to maintain a harsh stance towards the PRC.

Published online: 13 Jun 2017 ; In the early 1980s, the member-states of the European Community ('the Ten') extended their foreign-policy cooperation into the field of security and disarmament. They advanced a proposal for a Conference on Disarmament in Europe within the framework of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe process. As disarmament was a preserve and priority concern of NATO, the move engendered both competition and cooperation between NATO and European Political Cooperation (EPC), that is, the mechanism the Ten used to elaborate common positions. This article analyses these dynamics by paying particular attention to the exchange of ideas between the two forums. It also shows the key role of some Western European governments in inspiring competition or promoting cooperation between the two organizations, and the rationales and drivers behind their actions. The article proves that Cold War concerns played a key role in this regard: the will to preserve European détente and the need to address domestic opinion critical of an escalation of the East–West confrontation motivated their initiative in the disarmament field. At the same time, concern that the Soviets might exploit divergences across the Atlantic prompted their attempts to secure NATO's cohesion and project a strong image of unity.

AbstractThis article focuses on France's policy towards Socialist China in the decade preceding the spectacular and well-studied decision by President Charles de Gaulle to officially recognize the People's Republic of China (PRC). It argues that since the mid-1950s successive French governments discreetly orchestrated a process of rapprochement with the Communist authorities in Beijing. The article demonstrates that, at a time when the international situation discouraged steps towards official relations, the French government used commercial diplomacy as a means to open unofficial diplomatic channels with the Chinese and prepare the ground for future recognition. Relying mostly on French archival sources, this article brings to light evidence of the evolution of French diplomacy's thinking about Socialist China and assesses the rationales behind the French government's growing determination to normalize relations with it. It argues that the intensifying contest among European countries to reach out to Beijing, concerns about the PRC's appeal to developing countries, and an early appraisal of Sino-Soviet rivalry prompted French authorities to work for Sino-French rapprochement, while, at the same time, annoyance at the White House's obstinate refusal to revise its reading of Cold War dynamics weakened France's disposition to fall into line with American demands to maintain a harsh stance towards the PRC.

This article sheds new light on the interrelation between Western European integration and the Cold War by unveiling and bringing under scrutiny the active role of the EEC in East-West relations. It argues that the EEC's pro-active Eastern policy was pivotal in loosening Cold War constraints in Europe and engendering instead a new kind of intra-European relations. Relations between the EEC and socialist bloc countries grew more intense and diversified, irrespective of the renewed superpower confrontation. Not only were detente and integration compatible, they actually reinforced each other, and the EEC proved to be a major and successful promoter of the overcoming of the Cold War in Europe. Adapted from the source document.