Suchergebnisse

Umschlag -- Titel -- Impressum -- Inhalt -- I. -- Vorwort -- 1. Eine tugendhafte Nation -- Das Selbstbild einer friedlichen Nation -- Gesellschaft, Politik und Weltanschauung -- Führungspersönlichkeiten -- Gehemmte Modernisierung -- Koloniales Selbstbewusstsein -- 2. Krieg und Besatzung -- Von der Besetzung zur Besatzung -- Neuorientierung im Exil -- »Nach dem Krieg«? -- Verwaltungsarrangement -- Nazifizierung -- Harte Konfrontation -- Katastrophengesellschaft -- Das Ende der deutschen Besatzung -- 3. Die Judenverfolgung -- Zwangsgemeinschaft -- Deportation -- Auf Leben und Tod -- Das niederländische Paradoxon -- 4. Kriegsende und Nachkriegszeit -- Machtkrise und Wiederherstellung der Regierung -- Der letzte Kriegswinter -- Der befreite Süden -- »Der Krieg geht weiter« -- Freund und Feind -- Der Sommer der Befreiung -- 5. Krieg in Übersee -- Krieg und japanische Besatzung -- Die indonesische Revolution -- Chronik der Konfrontation -- Die niederländischen Truppen und ihr Krieg -- Narben -- 6. Das lange Nachspiel des Krieges -- Wendepunkt 1945 -- Schwelle zur Gewalt -- Recht und Krieg -- Weltorientierung -- Opfernarrative -- Primat der guten Absichten -- II. -- Zeitgeschichte in den Niederlanden. Ein Gespräch über Erinnerungskultur, Geschichtspolitik und Auftragsforschung -- Erinnerungskultur -- Kriegs- und Besatzungsgeschichte -- Geschichtskultur und Vergangenheitspolitik -- Auftragsforschung -- Auswahlbibliographie -- Bibliographie Peter Romijn -- Nachwort von Norbert Frei -- Abkürzungen -- Namenverzeichnis.

This article examines the transformative experiences of Dutch soldiers as they were transported overseas to fight in the Indonesian War of Independence, 1945-1949. It argues that both the onward and the homeward voyages were an essential part of preparing the soldiers for participation in an extremely violent conflict for an undefined period of time in a world they did not know. On their return journey, they were supposed to cope with fresh memories of the war they had participated in while at the same time, after two years or more, had to prepare to re-integrate into civilian life. In this respect, the experiences of the soldiers were connected to those of the European and Eurasian returnees, refugees, and postcolonial migrants transported to the metropole. The article describes the transformative collective experiences of the sea voyages lasting five to six weeks. It argues that these travels were intended, and functioned, to shape group identities. Aboard the ships, the collective outlooks were prepared in the framework of the mobilization of bodies and minds for the colonial war, and of demobilization after the war had been lost.

Transnational Identities of Dutch Nazi-Collaborators and their Struggle for Integration into the National Community This article aims to shed light on how Nazi collaborators' transnational encounters and exchanges generated attitudes and outlooks that are different and more diverse than those that one would be able to find when focusing solely on the issue of reintegration from the perspective of the nation-state framework. Military service in the German forces produced significant reconfigurations in the sense of identity and belonging of these non-German Nazis. Highlighting the Dutch example, we argue that such far-reaching experiences strongly affected the position to which these people aspired in the restored post-war nation-state. We will demonstrate their ambition to adapt their own outlook in some respects to the guiding principles of their liberal-democratic surroundings, and indicate the limitations as well as the opportunities that both state and society provided in the process.

This article aims to shed light on how Nazi collaborators' transnational encounters and exchanges generated attitudes and outlooks that are different and more diverse than those that one would be able to find when focusing solely on the issue of re- integration from the perspective of the nation-state framework. Military service in the German forces produced significant reconfigurations in the sense of identity and belonging of these non-German Nazis. Highlighting the Dutch example, we argue that such far-reaching experiences strongly affected the position to which these people aspired in the restored post-war nation-state. We will demonstrate their ambition to adapt their own outlook in some respects to the guiding principles of their liberal-democratic surroundings, and indicate the limitations as well as the opportunities that both state and society provided in the process.

In October of 2011 the Dutch historian and journalist Chris van der Heijden defended his dissertation Dat nooit meer – 'Never Again' which came out at the same time in a trade edition. In his 900-page magnum opus, supervised by the historians Hans Blom and Ido de Haan, Van der Heijden attempted to reconstruct 'the aftermath of the Second World War in the Netherlands'. To do this, he offered a 'thick description' of incidents, affairs, public events and contemporary historiography, which togetherconstructed the culture and politics of memory about that war. Van der Heijden's work immediately generated controversy in the Netherlands. Various historians at the public defence of the dissertation expressedfundamental criticisms of the book, a trend also evident in the media and in several reviews. The disapproval addressed the author's method, use of sources and interpretative framework (or lack thereof), often in strong terms. Van der Heijden started a web-based blog to answer his critics and a heated debate continued for some time.

In October of 2011 the Dutch historian and journalist Chris van der Heijden defended his dissertation Dat nooit meer – 'Never Again' which came out at the same time in a trade edition. In his 900-page magnum opus, supervised by the historians Hans Blom and Ido de Haan, Van der Heijden attempted to reconstruct 'the aftermath of the Second World War in the Netherlands'. To do this, he offered a 'thick description' of incidents, affairs, public events and contemporary historiography, which together constructed the culture and politics of memory about that war. Van der Heijden's work immediately generated controversy in the Netherlands. Various historians at the public defence of the dissertation expressed fundamental criticisms of the book, a trend also evident in the media and in several reviews. The disapproval addressed the author's method, use of sources and interpretative framework (or lack thereof), often in strong terms. Van der Heijden started a web-based blog to answer his critics and a heated debate continued for some time. This review is part of the discussion forum 'Dat nooit meer' (Chris van der Heijden).

The concept of political legitimacy has hitherto tended to occupy a rather modest place in the historiography of twentieth-century Europe. In contrast to the attention paid by historians of pre-modern and non-European societies to issues of political culture and, more especially, to the ways in which the exercise of power by all rulers, be they sacred or secular, putative or actual, has to be located in a complex matrix of conventional beliefs, rituals and practices, historians of contemporary Europe have tended to regard issues of political legitimacy as of secondary importance compared with other more tangible factors. Political power in Europe during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries has been perceived by historians as being the product of an amalgam of ideological projects, forms of state (internal and external) aggrandisement and nationalist struggles for emancipation. Modernity – so it seems to be assumed – transformed the exercise of power, creating both new needs and justifications for active government and massively increased resources to bring these to reality, as well as flattening much of the pre-existing undergrowth of ancien régime convention and pre-industrial tradition. Government became incommensurably stronger, but also simultaneously starker. In the new world that emerged between the mid-nineteenth and the mid-twentieth centuries, the powerful forces of ideological or national messianism and the democratic (or assumed) mandate of the people lifted state power to new heights. Consequently, governmental authority flowed remorselessly downwards through the new structures of civilian and military bureaucracy and legal authority, reducing social organisations, local communities and above all the individual citizen to the role of disciplined, though not necessarily powerless, subjects. Legitimacy, in so far as it surfaces in such accounts, is regarded as having been largely constructed by rulers themselves and subsequently conveyed by the modern institutions of social control – notably mass education, conscription and state propaganda – to the population. Thus, French peasants were made into Frenchmen, Russian workers into agents of Bolshevik power and German bureaucrats into functionaries of the Nazi state.

While the divide between capitalism and communism, embodied in the image of the Iron Curtain, seemed to be as wide and definitive as any cultural rift, Giles Scott-Smith, Joes Segal, and Peter Romijn have compiled a selection of essays on how culture contributed to the blurring of ideological boundaries between the East and the West. This important and diverse volume presents fascinating insights into the tensions, rivalries, and occasional cooperation between the two blocs, with essays that represent the cutting edge of Cold War Studies and analyze aesthetic preferences and cultural phenomena as various as interior design in East and West Germany; the Soviet stance on genetics; US cultural diplomacy during and after the Cold War; and the role of popular music as the universal cultural ambassador. An illuminating and wide-ranging survey of interrelated collective dreams from both sides of the Iron Curtain, Divided Dreamworlds? has a place on the bookshelf of any modern historian.

With its unique focus on how culture contributed to the blurring of ideological boundaries between the East and the West, this important volume offers fascinating insights into the tensions, rivalries and occasional cooperation between the two blocs. Encompassing developments inboth the arts and sciences, the authors analyze focal points, aesthetic preferences and cultural phenomena through topics as wide-ranging as the East- and West German interior design; the Soviet stance on genetics; US cultural diplomacy during and after the Cold War; and the role of popular music as a universal cultural ambassador. Well positioned at the cutting edge of Cold War studies, this important work illuminates some of the striking paradoxes involved in the production and reception of culture in East and West.