Suchergebnisse

Do different methods of elite recruitment bring about different leadership qualities & if so, what are the consequences for representative democracy? This is the central research question of the study presented. We start our study with a clear definition of elite recruitment & elite selection. In a second part the analysis discusses different mechanisms of candidate recruitment & selection resulting in a candidate typology. By taking results of electoral research into account, we propose various leadership qualities (Eigenschaften) resulting from different recruitment & selection processes. Finally, we discuss the role of different leadership qualities in representative democracies. Adapted from the source document.

By drawing on the German Longitudinal Election Study the following questions are answered: Who actually received political news/campaign information from social media during the 2009 federal election campaign? And, even more important from our theoretical point of view, who posted campaign information on his/her network? Parties still invest heavily in agencies and professional consultants when it comes to elections. With a shrinking number of party members, however, a change in election (street) campaigns towards more engagement in social media is very likely. Hence, parties are looking for ways to support engaged citizens and make them part of their election campaigns. They will be taking advantage of the heterogeneity of networks in which citizens communicate. Adapted from the source document.

Presents criteria for a 'good election campaign.' Crucial are a central theme & the integrity of the leading personnel & therefore of the party altogether. An obvious change of central themes would damage the party's integrity. However, a campaign also has to be flexible. A good election campaign has to balance integrity & flexibility. 1 Table, 7 References. Adapted from the source document.

Models explaining the rise of American-style or so-called postmodern campaigning have focused primarily on changes taking place at the systemic level. While these models help explain variance across countries where these techniques are used, they do not explain variations among individual parties. Given that not all parties adopt these tactics & techniques at the same time, the authors argue that there are party-specific variables that need to be taken into account when understanding the shift to the new campaigning era. Building on the existing literature, the authors identify the key traits of what they term professionalized campaigning & the variables that prime a party to adopt it. The article goes on to develop a causal model, based on external & internal party events or shocks, that explains why a particular party would embrace this new style of campaigning. Finally, the authors operationalize their theory & develop indicators to measure the key variables for empirical testing. 1 Table, 1 Figure, 42 References. Adapted from the source document.

Für die Wiederwahlquote von Parlamentariern/Mandatsträgern in westlichen Demokratien (hier vergleichend untersucht am Beispiel Frankreichs, Dänemarks, Neuseelands, Japans, der USA, Kanadas, Israels, Großbritanniens und Deutschlands) läßt sich kein "über die Systemgrenzen hinweg plausibles Erklärungsmodell" finden. Dafür sind im Bereich der Parlamentarismusforschung weitere differenzierte Untersuchungen notwendig. Unter demokratietheoretischen Gesichtspunkten (Elitenzirkulation) hat die Wiederwahlquote im übrigen nur beschränkte Aussagekraft. (AuD-Hng)

This paper examines the growth of high-tech campaigning techniques among local level actors in Germany by studying website adoption among parties and candidates in the 2002 federal election. Arguing that election websites form a key tool of the new high-tech campaign trade we investigate the extent of their use at the local level as well as some of the triggers to their uptake and possible longer-term effects on campaign style, in terms of interactivity and independence from central party control. Our findings reveal that this form of high-tech campaigning is prominent across Germany and is promoted by factors linked to higher levels of local campaign activity more generally, i.e., party resources, competition and incumbency. Content analysis of sites, however, reveals little support for the notion that election websites are introducing a more participatory style of campaigning. Also, while some parties appear to be inclined toward controlling local actors' message through the medium, for the most part, candidates and parties appear to be left alone to develop their online profile.

This paper examines the growth of high-tech campaigning techniques among local level actors in Germany by studying website adoption among parties and candidates in the 2002 federal election. Arguing that election websites form a key tool of the new high-tech campaign trade we investigate the extent of their use at the local level as well as some of the triggers to their uptake and possible longer-term effects on campaign style, in terms of interactivity and independence from central party control. Our findings reveal that this form of high-tech campaigning is prominent across Germany and is promoted by factors linked to higher levels of local campaign activity more generally, i.e., party resources, competition and incumbency. Content analysis of sites, however, reveals little support for the notion that election websites are introducing a more participatory style of campaigning. Also, while some parties appear to be inclined toward controlling local actors' message through the medium, for the most part, candidates and parties appear to be left alone to develop their online profile.

This article develops and tests a new multidimensional index — CAMPROF — that is designed to measure and compare parties' use of professionalized campaign techniques during elections. Based on the extant literature, we identify and operationalize the essential components of this new form of campaigning to create a 30-point index that is applied to the case of the 2005 German federal election. The results show the CAMPROF Index to be: (1) successful in capturing variance in parties' engagement in professionalized campaigning, and (2) capable of producing rankings that correspond to a priori expectations about how well the parties would perform. The findings are significant in that they provide preliminary confirmation of the Index's capacity to measure the concept of professionalized campaigning as well as providing new insights into the party-level dynamics that may be driving the current wave of campaign modernization. The opportunities and challenges involved in wider application of the measure to cross-national research are discussed.

This paper examines the growth of high-tech campaigning techniques among local level actors in Germany by studying website adoption among parties and candidates in the 2002 federal election. Arguing that election websites form a key tool of the new high-tech campaign trade we investigate the extent of their use at the local level as well as some of the triggers to their uptake and possible longer-term effects on campaign style, in terms of interactivity and independence from central party control. Our findings reveal that this form of high-tech campaigning is prominent across Germany and is promoted by factors linked to higher levels of local campaign activity more generally, i.e., party resources, competition and incumbency. Content analysis of sites, however, reveals little support for the notion that election websites are introducing a more participatory style of campaigning. Also, while some parties appear to be inclined toward controlling local actors' message through the medium, for the most part, candidates and parties appear to be left alone to develop their online profile. Adapted from the source document. COPIES ARE AVAILABLE FROM: HAWORTH DOCUMENT DELIVERY CENTER, The Haworth Press, Inc., 10 Alice Street, Binghamton, NY 13904-1580