Suchergebnisse

In 1995 the European Union adopted a Directive on data protection. Article 25 of this Directive compels all EU member countries to adopt data protection legislation and to prevent the transfer of personal data to non-EU member countries ("third countries") that do not provide an adequate level of data protection. Article 25 results in the Directive having extra-territorial effect and exerting an influence in countries outside the EU. Like South Africa, New Zealand is a "third" country in terms of the EU Directive on data protection. New Zealand recognised the need for data protection and adopted a data protection Act over 15 years ago. The focus of this article is on the data protection provisions in New Zealand law with a view to establishing whether South Africa can learn any lessons from them. In general, it can be said that although New Zealand law does not expressly recognise a right to privacy, it has a data protection regime that functions well and that goes a long way to providing adequate data protection as required by the EU Directive on data protection. Nevertheless, the EU has not made a finding to that effect as yet. The New Zealand data protection act requires a couple of amendments before New Zealand might be adjudged 'adequate'. South Africa's protection of the right to privacy and identity is better developed and more extensive than that of New Zealand. Privacy is recognised and protected in the law of delict and by the South African Constitution. Despite South Africa's apparently high regard for the individual's right to privacy and identity and our well-developed common and constitutional law of privacy, South Africa does not meet the adequacy requirement of the EU Directive, because we do not have a data protection Act. This means that South African participants in the information technology arena are at a constant disadvantage. It is argued that South Africa should follow New Zealand's example and adopt a data protection law as soon as possible.

In 1995 the European Union adopted a Directive on data protection. Article 25 of this Directive compels all EU member countries to adopt data protection legislation and to prevent the transfer of personal data to non-EU member countries ('third countries') that do not provide an adequate level of data protection. Article 25 results in the Directive having extra-territorial effect and exerting an influence in countries outside the EU. Like South Africa, New Zealand is a 'third' country in terms of the EU Directive on data protection. New Zealand recognised the need for data protection and adopted a data protection Act over 15 years ago. The focus of this article is on the data protection provisions in New Zealand law with a view to establishing whether South Africa can learn any lessons from them. In general, it can be said that although New Zealand law does not expressly recognise a right to privacy, it has a data protection regime that functions well and that goes a long way to providing adequate data protection as required by the EU Directive on data protection. Nevertheless, the EU has not made a finding to that effect as yet. The New Zealand data protection act requires a couple of amendments before New Zealand might be adjudged 'adequate'. South Africa's protection of the right to privacy and identity is better developed and more extensive than that of New Zealand. Privacy is recognised and protected in the law of delict and by the South African Constitution. Despite South Africa's apparently high regard for the individual's right to privacy and identity and our well-developed common and constitutional law of privacy, South Africa does not meet the adequacy requirement of the EU Directive, because we do not have a data protection Act. This means that South African participants in the information technology arena are at a constant disadvantage. It is argued that South Africa should follow New Zealand's example and adopt a data protection law as soon as possible.

Bijna honderd jaar geleden vochten vrouwen voor toegang tot het notariaat. Hoewel zij wel de opleiding tot kandidaat-notaris mochten volgen, en als zodanig werken op een notariskantoor, konden zij niet benoemd worden tot notaris. Tegen deze discriminatie verzette een groepje vrouwelijke kandidaat-notarissen zich met een bezoek aan de minister van Justitie en een rekest aan de Tweede en Eerste Kamer. De christelijke partijen hielden openstelling van het notariaat voor vrouwen echter (opnieuw) tegen. Pas na de Tweede Wereldoorlog was het tij gekeerd en werd de eerste vrouwelijke notaris in Nederland benoemd.

Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- Foreword -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- 1. Compliance and Defiance in the Making of White Apartheid Society -- 2. Whites and South African History -- 3. The Delicacy of Teacups -- 4. Insluipers, Geoffrey Cronjé, and Social Policy -- 5. Work and Ideology in the Apartheid Public Service -- 6. Women, the Labor Market, and the Domestic Economy -- 7. Nationalism, Whiteness, and Consumption -- 8. Alcohol and Social Engineering -- 9. The End -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index -- About the Author.

"Patricia A. Roos was a professor of sociology at Rutgers University when in 2015 she lost her son twenty-five-year-old son Alex to a heroin overdose. Overnight, she shifted her research and advocacy interests, turning grief into activism. She hopes to inspire a moral community of action to address the overdose crisis. Roos spent much of her sociological career investigating systemic patterns of inequality by sex and race, focusing on how subtle mechanisms of inequity get reproduced. In Surviving Alex she uses these skills to examine extant explanations and treatments for the ever-growing overdose epidemic and finds them wanting. Weaving together the personal and the sociological, she learns about the broader set of factors implicated in mental health and substance use disorders. Instead of focusing on individual-level choice and brain disease arguments, she directs her attention to the larger social context in which those individual-level actions occur. Ultimately, she imagines a world steeped in compassionate, paradigm-shifting harm reduction methods, as opposed to the punitive, choice-based approaches that currently exist"--

Intro -- Acknowledgements -- Contents -- Abbreviations -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- 1 Introduction: The Parliamentarisation of a Consultative Assembly -- 1.1 Research Question -- 1.2 The EP Pre-1979: An Understudied Actor with Noteworthy Influence -- 1.3 Studying the EP's Institutional Evolution Through the Lens of Community Social Policy -- 1.4 Collection, Processing and Interpretation of the Source Material -- 1.5 Structure of the Analysis -- 1.6 Refuting the Image of a Powerless "Talking Shop" -- A1 Annex: List of Interviews -- References -- 2 Conceptualising the European Parliament's Gain in Power, 1952-1979 -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 Historical-Sociological Institutionalist Approach (HSI) -- 2.2.1 What is an Institution? -- 2.2.2 Explaining the EP's Institutional Development With Historical Institutionalism (HI) -- 2.2.2.1 Path Dependence -- 2.2.2.2 Unintended Consequences -- 2.2.2.3 Critical Junctures -- 2.2.2.4 Modes of Gradual Institutional Change -- 2.2.3 Explaining MEPs' Behaviour with Sociological Institutionalism (SI) -- 2.2.3.1 Polity and Policy Ideas -- 2.2.3.2 The Development and Influence of Norms and Logics of Appropriateness -- 2.2.3.3 Norm Entrepreneurs -- 2.2.3.4 The Impact of MEPs' Socialisation on Their Behaviour -- 2.2.4 Combining HI and SI in One Hybrid Theoretical Approach -- 2.3 Conclusion -- References -- 3 The Institutional Evolution of the European Parliament Prior to 1979 -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 Brief Chronology of the EP's Institutional Evolution Prior to 1979 -- 3.3 Parliamentary Powers, and How They Were Obtained -- 3.3.1 Power of Control -- 3.3.2 Legislative Power -- 3.3.3 Budgetary Power -- 3.3.4 Power of Initiative -- 3.4 The Impact of MEPs' Shared Ideas and Socialisation -- 3.4.1 Preparing the Ideational Ground: What Induced MEPs to Become Engaged in the EP Prior to 1979?.

Frontmatter --Table of Contents --List of figures --Acknowledgements --Notes on language and figures --Introduction --1. Keeping in control. The figure of the fan in the tamil film industry --2. Intimacy on display. Film stars, images, and everyday life --3. Vexed veneration: the politics of fandom --4. Public intimacies and collective imaginaries --5. Chennai beautiful. Shifting urban landscapes and the politics of spectacle --Epilogue --References --Index

The European debt crisis has rekindled long-standing debates about the power of finance and the fraught relationship between capitalism and democracy in a globalized world. Why Not Default? unravels a striking puzzle at the heart of these debates--why, despite frequent crises and the immense costs of repayment, do so many heavily indebted countries continue to service their international debts? In this compelling and incisive book, Jerome Roos provides a sweeping investigation of the political economy of sovereign debt and international crisis management. He takes readers from the rise of public borrowing in the Italian city-states to the gunboat diplomacy of the imperialist era and the wave of sovereign defaults during the Great Depression. He vividly describes the debt crises of developing countries in the 1980s and 1990s and sheds new light on the recent turmoil inside the Eurozone--including the dramatic capitulation of Greece's short-lived anti-austerity government to its European creditors in 2015. Drawing on in-depth case studies of contemporary debt crises in Mexico, Argentina, and Greece, Why Not Default? paints a disconcerting picture of the ascendancy of global finance. This important book shows how the profound transformation of the capitalist world economy over the past four decades has endowed private and official creditors with unprecedented structural power over heavily indebted borrowers, enabling them to impose painful austerity measures and enforce uninterrupted debt service during times of crisis--with devastating social consequences and far-reaching implications for democracy

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This volume describes the development and application of the Mmogo-method® as a projective visual data-gathering method, applied in different contexts and with different groups of people. "Mmogo" means togetherness in Setswana, one of the 11 official languages of South Africa. The Mmogo-method® provides a deep understanding of personal, relational and group experiences and is particularly useful in cross-cultural contexts and across age groups. By allowing visual expressions of the self as a complex, dynamic social system it overcomes some of the limitations of traditional data-collection methods, such as questionnaires or interviews. The book draws together contributions by leading social scientists to show how this flexible, visual data-collection method can be used independently or jointly with other data-gathering techniques, such as journalling or in-depth interviewing, to acquire rich information. The research method described here enables investigators to access perceptions, feelings and personal experiences participants might otherwise find hard to verbalize and explain. Researchers in disciplines such as education, social sciences, consumer sciences, market research, and city and town planning will find this book and its innovative method particularly valuable in addressing a gap in available visual and other data collection resources