Världskändisar, kosmopolitism och internationell politik
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 71, Heft 4, S. 561-569
ISSN: 1891-1757
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In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 71, Heft 4, S. 561-569
ISSN: 1891-1757
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 71, Heft 4, S. 561-569
ISSN: 0020-577X
A feature of our time has been marked interest in celebrity and celebrities of all kinds. Celebrities associated with the entertainment industry and, paradoxically, it is their life that attracts the most interest among the fans, rather than their professional successes and artistic expression pressure (Turner 2007: 5). Huge celebrity reportage focuses on the person's external attributes but also their global activism. Celebrity views on war, peace, gender equality, poverty reduction, debt relief and HIV/AIDS are among the things that make large space in the media and social networks. Facebook and Twitter make it possible for celebrities to quickly communicate their message to the fans and other interested audiences. Adapted from the source document.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 71, Heft 4, S. 561-569
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: International affairs, Band 85, Heft 2, S. 406-407
ISSN: 0020-5850
In: European journal of politics and gender, Band 5, Heft 3, S. 303-321
ISSN: 2515-1096
This article interrogates the digital storytelling of Sweden's feminist foreign policy. Drawing on scholarship on state feminism and digital diplomacy, it shows how digital platforms offer opportunities to reproduce narratives of state feminism through storytelling. We propose that digital diplomacy is used to advance feminist foreign policy through emotional sense-making that requires the telling of personal stories. The article provides a narrative analysis of the stories of women and girls that symbolise and embody feminist foreign policy, and the way in which they are communicated by the Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs. The article concludes by noting that the digital storytelling of feminist foreign policy allows the Ministry for Foreign Affairs to communicate to a wider digital audience. These stories, however, run the risk of obscuring the feminist ambitions of feminist foreign policy by insufficiently considering the gendered injustices that undergird the global gender order and by bringing together seemingly incompatible stories of feminist exceptionalism and success.
In: The SAIS review of international affairs / the Johns Hopkins University, the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS), Band 39, Heft 1, S. 37-48
ISSN: 1945-4724
In: European review of international studies: eris, Band 5, Heft 3, S. 30-48
ISSN: 2196-7415
Sweden's feminist foreign policy is founded on the broad idea that gender equality is central to security. This article focuses on how the politicisation of this gender-security nexus is discursively articulated and practiced in the case of feminist foreign policy. The problematic is unpacked by analysing the politicisation of the women, peace and security agenda and global gender mainstreaming. To empirically illustrate the gender-security nexus more specifically, we analyse how these politicisation processes are reflected in Sweden's support for global peace diplomacy and gender protection. The article concludes by offering three final remarks. First, Sweden's feminist foreign policy is an expression of several, at times competing, forms of political rationality. Second, while the fluctuation between de-politicisation and re-politicisation of security may seem productive in terms of policy outcome it can also create contradictions and ambiguities in regards to feminist foreign policy practice. One such outcome is the tendency to conflate gender and women across a number of de-politicised policy initiatives launched by the Swedish government. Third, the re-politicisation and contestation of the gender-security nexus is likely to increase in the coming decades because of shifting global power configurations in the global world order.
In: International affairs, Band 100, Heft 2, S. 589-607
ISSN: 1468-2346
Abstract
Sweden was the first state to adopt a Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP) in 2014, drawing on its state feminist tradition and support for the United Nations' Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda. Yet following the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 and Sweden's move to seek NATO membership—abandoning its policy of non-alignment—a gendered silence on FFP pervaded. Significantly, this therefore predated the official abandonment of FFP following the election of a new government in October 2022. NATO membership was viewed as incompatible with FFP. Yet, NATO has long sought to project itself as a gender-just actor, including through engagement with the WPS agenda culminating in its inclusion in the 2022 Strategic Concept. Further, Sweden—as a NATO partner—had been a stalwart of the alliance's work on WPS. This article contributes to understanding the role of gendered silences in shaping strategic narratives, in this case concerning Sweden's NATO membership bid. It provides insight for policy-makers and diplomats on the impact gendered silence can have on the wider efficacy of FFP and WPS, even during processes such as NATO enlargement which might otherwise be viewed as 'gender neutral', particularly when imbued with urgency.
In: International studies perspectives: ISP, Band 25, Heft 2, S. 226-245
ISSN: 1528-3585
Abstract
This article examines the role of digital norm contestation in feminist foreign policy (FFP). It analyzes how states that participate in digital diplomacy are involved in challenging and resisting norms, values and expectations related to feminist positionings in the digital environment. The article presents an analytical framework for the study of digital norm contestation and conducts an empirical case study of Sweden as the first country in the world to brand its foreign policy "feminist." This triggered a process of digital norm contestation, particularly visible in the area of sexual and reproductive health and rights. Three empirical vignettes of digital norm contestation are analyzed. The first example illustrates how the Swedish government was able to exercise global leadership to visually perform and digitally advocate the contestation of the US global gag rule. The second example underlines how the Swedish government harnessed its leadership by connecting it to grassroots contestations of the global gag rule through digital advocacy networks. The third example illuminates how the Swedish government's visit to Iran backfired because of a lost sense of control over visual performative effects in the digital environment. By way of conclusion, we suggest three avenues that can be pursued to further the research agenda on gender, digital norm contestation, and foreign policy.
In: Politics, religion & ideology, Band 21, Heft 4, S. 432-450
ISSN: 2156-7697
In: International politics reviews, Band 1, Heft 1, S. 49-62
ISSN: 2050-2990