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In this paper I analyze the effect of skin tone and racial identity on Mexicans' political attitudes. I also test different intergroup conflict theories to assess which one explains Mexico's situation better if we look at skin tone and racial identification as independent variables. In order to test my hypotheses I use the Americas Barometer data from México 2010 that includes a measure of respondents' skin tone. The results show that people's skin tone not only affects their political attitudes but their income as well, once controlling for education, age and gender. Moreover, the theory of social identity explains better the Mexican case than other theories. The conclusions show that Mexico's dcmocracy faces the challenge of political inclusión of all its citizens regardless of their skin tone or racial identification. ; En este ensayo analizo las actitudes y opiniones políticas de los ciudadanos mexicanos mediadas por su color de piel e identidad racial. Asimismo, exploro qué teoría de conflicto intergrupal explica mejor el caso mexicano si tomamos como variables independientes el color de la piel y la identidad racial de las personas. Con base en los datos del Barómetro de las Américas de 2010 —en el que se incluyó una medición del color de la piel del entrevistado— analicé si las actitudes expresadas diferían de acuerdo con esta variable. Los resultados muestran que el color de la piel afecta tanto las actitudes políticas de las personas como su nivel de ingreso, si se controla por educación, edad y sexo. Por otra parte, la teoría de conflicto intergrupal que explica mejor el caso mexicano es la teoría de identidad de grupo. Las conclusiones de este ensayo demuestran que México enfrenta el reto de la inclusión en el proceso democrático de todas las personas, independiente mente de su color de piel.

En este documento analizo las consecuencias políticas y sociales de la apariencia racial de los mexicanos. En México se acepta la existencia de discriminación basada en clase social, pero no en la apariencia fenotípica o racial. En este estudio diseño dos experimentos de laboratorio para explorar el efecto de los fenotipos en cómo las personas son evaluadas o votadas en elecciones por otros. Diferencio entre mexicanos con apariencia europea, indígena y mezclada. Para crear las fotografías utilizo un programa de computación que mezcla tanto los rasgos faciales como el color de piel de las personas de apariencia europea e indígena. Los resultados del estudio demuestran que la apariencia fenotípica es relevante en el contexto mexicano. Los mexicanos tienden a dar evaluaciones sociales más positivas a individuos de apariencia europea que a individuos de apariencia indígena o mezclada. Los resultados también demuestran la existencia de más características negativas asociadas a personas de apariencia indígena, que a personas de apariencia mezclada o europea. Mientas tanto, se asocian características más positivas a estos últimos. Este estudio demuestra la existencia de estereotipos y los efectos que éstos tienen en la vida social y política de los mexicanos de acuerdo a su apariencia racial o fenotípica.

This paper explores people's political attitudes mediated by their perceived skin tone and their own racial identification in Mexico. As a young democracy Mexico's political institutions face many challenges while in the process of democratic consolidation. One of those challenges is the incorporation of every person into the democratic process. Sometimes it is easier to identify possible excluded groups, but sometimes it is harder to do so. In this paper I look at whether people's feeling of representation and inclusion are mediated by their skin tone and/or their racial appearance. In other words, I look at whether people are excluded from the political process because of their phenotypic appearance and/or racial identification in Mexico. Moreover, the paper tests the theories of Social Dominance Approach and System Justification Theory to explain phenotypic relations in Mexico. The data for this paper comes from the Latin American Public Opinion Project 2010 Mexico survey. This survey included measures of: representation, discrimination, skin tone, and racial self-identification. The paper shows that people's skin tone can explain socioeconomic inequalities as well as support for different types of political participation and feelings of representation. It also finds partial, but not full support, for the Social Dominance Approach and System Justification Theory showing the need to build a different theoretical framework to explain the political, social, and economic consequences of phenotypic relations in Mexico.

This essay analyzes, from the perspective of affective intelligence and theories of the strategic use of emotions in campaign ads, the electoral ads during the presidential election in Mexico in 2012. According to the theory of affective intelligence emotions, rather than compromising people's rational process, help people relate to their environment. Positive emotions trigger individuals to rely in their habits when acting, while negative emotions make them look out for new information and rethink their previous decisions. Evidence from the U.S. show that campaign messages use images, music and colors to produce unconsciously emotions in voters, so they rethink or not their electoral decisions. In this study I code the emotions that campaign ads from the main presidential candidates tried to produce in the viewers. Finally, it shows the strategic use of emotions by the candidates and their campaign teams as a function of the candidates' position in the contest. Adapted from the source document.

In this paper I analyze the effect of skin tone and racial identity on Mexicans' political attitudes. I also test different intergroup conflict theories to assess which one explains Mexico's situation better if we look at skin tone and racial identification as independent variables. In order to test my hypotheses I use the Americas Barometer data from Mexico 2010 that includes a measure of respondents' skin tone. The results show that people's skin tone not only affects their political attitudes but their income as well, once controlling for education, age and gender. Moreover, the theory of social identity explains better the Mexican case than other theories. The conclusions show that Mexico's democracy faces the challenge of political inclusion of all its citizens regardless of their skin tone or racial identification. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractThis paper conducts an experimental test of the theory of ideational populism in a most‐likely case: a well‐known Chilean populist presidential candidate, Roxana Miranda. At the time of our study, Chile had the necessary conditions for ideational populism: corruption scandals and a crisis of political representation that lowered citizens' trust in establishment elites. The stimulus was a speech that included the core elements of ideational populist discourse. Despite the careful experimental design and a ripe political atmosphere, we found no effects of populist discourse on voting intentions or evaluations of Miranda among the research participants. We discuss the possible reasons for these null findings. Rather than disqualifying the theory of ideational populism, we conclude that our research calls theorists to incorporate other elements – ideology, gender, issue positions, strategic voting – into their models of ideational populism.

This article presents the results of a scientific social-pedagogical research, which goal was displaying an overview of the current situation of migrant farm workers in Mexico, from a first approach to the state of knowledge on this issue through a documentary-bibliographic study. The study showed that the most researchers approach the issues of migrant farm workers from economic theory, however, is not enough to analyze the economic and social status of this group of people, it is necessary to place it in a multidisciplinary level (including economics, sociology, political science, psychology, education, etc.), study it from the theory of marginality and qualitative approach.

Is there a gender gap in Latin American attitudes toward women politicians? While scholars of Latin America have examined the role of institutions and quotas in women's electoral success, less attention has been paid to voters' attitudes about women leaders. In this paper, we report on two survey experiments and an observational study in Brazil looking at the effect of candidate gender on vote choice. We asked subjects to choose a candidate from a hypothetical ballot while randomly varying candidates' gender. We find a strong and consistent 5-7 percentage point pro-female bias. Our experiments illustrate a novel approach to testing candidate choice models. [Copyright Elsevier Ltd.]

Historically, the theories developed within comparative politics have focused on the assessment of the institutions more than the study of the behavior of citizens. However, recent decades have seen a significant increase in the number of studies that seek to understand the political behavior of people in different contexts. These research agendas have benefited from technological advances as well as the academic exchange that has occurred between various regions of the world. First, technological advances facilitate the study of opinions and behavior through tools such as the internet. Second, the academic exchange of students to countries which have a knowledge of methods of measuring public opinion has made progress these professionals to return to their home countries develop companies that can carry out academic studies of opinion and political behavior. Adapted from the source document.

This article presents the results of a scientific social-pedagogical research, which goal was displaying an overview of the current situation of migrant farm workers in Mexico, from a first approach to the state of knowledge on this issue through a documentary-bibliographic study. The study showed that the most researchers approach the issues of migrant farm workers from economic theory, however, is not enough to analyze the economic and social status of this group of people, it is necessary to place it in a multidisciplinary level (including economics, sociology, political science, psychology, education, etc.), study it from the theory of marginality and qualitative approach.

There are numerous studies of the effects of partisan cues in established party systems, but almost none on how they affect voting in new party systems. This lacuna might stem from untested assumptions that partisan cues are un-influential where parties lack multigenerational psychological bonds with citizens and long-standing records. Alternatively, we theorize that even in new party systems, voters use partisan cues to assess candidates' capabilities, preferences, and electoral viability. We test this theory through an experiment in which we varied inclusion of party identifiers on mock ballots in Uganda, where the multiparty system was only 5 years old. We find that partisan cues increased selection of major-party candidates over independents, casting of straight-ticket ballots, and votes for copartisans. Our results challenge the common assumption that partisan labels are irrelevant in new party systems. Partisan cues can influence political decision making, even when party systems are young.