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Psychiatric sociol is discussed. Among psychiatrists & sociol'ts 3 diff positions exist: (1) those who deny the organic basis of functional mental disorders & interpret them solely in sociol'al & psychol'al terms (T. Szasz, E. Becker, & T. Scheff); (2) those who accept partially the sociol'al explanations for specific mental illnesses, but do not go so far as to say that existing psychotherapy would be of no benefit in treatment (H. Warren Dunham); & (3) those who feel that some 'unusual' soc situation (eg, a traumatic experience) disrupts body functioning to an unusual extent over a long period of time, & that the change in body functioning upsets the chemical balance within which the nervous system operates so that there are behavioral abnormalities. It is stated that sci may at a later point discover that what are now thought of as functional disorders may have a partially organic basis. It is equally possible that what are now thought of as organic mental disorders will be found to have a partially sociogenic or psychogenic origin. Some important discoveries to this effect have already been made. However, there are many aspects of psychiatric sociol that do not challenge the current organic or psychol'al interpretation of mental disorder. For each of these, various individual studies are discussed: (A) the `ecological' studies by R. E. Park & Ernest W. Burgess & their students at the U of Chicago in the 1920's; (B) the relation between SC & the incidence of schizophrenia as studied by A. Hollingshead & F. C. Redlich, SOCIAL CLASS AND MENTAL ILLNESS (see SA 6992); (C) the book PSYCHOSIS AND CIVILIZATION, by Herbert Goldhamer & Andrew Marshall, Glencoe, Ill: the Free Press, 1953; (D) the study of role relations in mental hosp's, in particular Alfred H. Stanton & Morris S. Schwartz, THE MENTAL HOSPITAL: A STUDY OF INSTITUTIONAL PARTICIPATION IN PSYCHIATRIC ILLNESS AND TREATMENT, New York, NY: Basic Books, 1954; (E) the relationship of fan, members to the mental patients & their influence on the latter's mental state, as studied by a group of sociol'ts at the Nat'l Instit of Niental Health (see SA 3814, 3852, 3853, 3854, 3860, & 3861); (F) sample surveys of PO toward mental health, eg, John C. Nunally, POPULAR CONCEPTIONS OF MENTAL ILLNESS: THEIR DE- VELOPMENT AND CHANGE, New York, NY: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1961; (G) educ'al efforts such as CLOSED RANKS: AN EXPERIMENT IN MENTAL HEALTH EDUCATION, by John & Elaine Cumming, Cambridge, Mass: Harvard U Press, 1957; & (H) the study of stress by Arnold M. Rose ('Mental Health Attitudes of Youth as Influenced by a Comic Strip,' see SA A0799). It is noted that sub-disciplines are developing rapidly for a variety of reasons. In the US, most of the psychiatric sociol'ts are members of the Society for the Study of Soc Problems, which publishes Social Problems. A theoretical gap between psychiatrists, psychol'ts & sociol'ts is noted. M. Maxfield.

It is suggested that the new psychol'al theories re ED fail to take into account specific instit's & cultural values, & often take only a microscopic & not a macroscopic view. A macroscopic view of ED in India is here presented. Econ behavior is interpreted in a context of soc instit's & cultural values, in particular the effects of the joint fam & the caste systems. Both provide certain econ benefits to their members, some of which aid the economy as a whole, but the net effect of caste on the economy is negative: it is occup'ally restrictive & hinders labor mobility; it creates nepotism on a vast scale & often results in underemployment. It is stated that 'India is not yet a nation in a sociol'al or psychol'al sense. It is a collection of mutually suspicious & mutually hostile extended fam's. This aspect of the soc structure prevents cooperation between groups even when selfish interests would rationally dictate cooperation.' Indians tend to use the term 'community' where 'caste' would be more appropriate. It is difficult to ascertain whether Indian values, in particular Hindu religious values, keep India econ'ly backward, but it is certain that many Indian instit's besides caste & the joint fam inhibit ED. It is shown how dysfunctional bur'tic rules are which set narrow limits to profit & discourage capital accumulation. India is not giving adequate higher educ to her youth in many fields; elementary & secondary educ are also deficient. The attachment to caste & village & the fact that the joint fam seldom migrates as a unit keep labor mobility low. The diversity of languages & the religious diff's create a handicap for the migrating workers. Gov has facilitated ED in many ways, but it has also hampered it in some signif ways-ie, its failure to improve agri; the corruption of the lower bur'cy; the status conception of the gov official. The backward land tenure system is viewed as one factor in the lack of agri'al growth; India's mfg is far more rational & modern than its food production & distribution. The pop factor has aggravated India's problems. It is concluded that the cumulative & interrelated effect of all the inhibiting factors, rather than a single one, is responsible for keeping India backward. India needs a revolution in many of its instit's & cultural practices. M. Maxfield.

SUMMARYSocial psychological factors affecting prices on markets are of two orders: The non‐economic but objective influences, such as propaganda, rumors, incorrect news, etc. which affect the individual buyer or seller; the 'subjective' definition of the situation with which the individual integrates all the relevant 'information' and which provides him motivation for his actions. These are analyzed and exemplified in this paper, based on informal interviews with persons participating in two American exchanges and on the published literature. The setting of the brokers' offices and of the 'floor' of the exchange is also considered as a source of social psychological influences on the market participants. Special consideration is given to booms and panics.