Huge quantities of natural resources are illegally harvested and their proceeds laundered in the Asia-Pacific region, fostering corruption and undermining environmental governance. Most illegal exploitation and pollution occurs in countries with poor governance capacities, but much of the sale for profit and money laundering occurs in mature markets with well-developed governance capacities. Their asymmetrical enforcement capacities can complement each other. This book explores ways to combat illegal fishing and logging in Asia-Pacific region by the use of cooperative legal measures,
The ease with which severe harms can be deliberately inflicted upon the natural environment to coerce political behaviour pose real and current threats to both nature and to social stability. There is a serious lack of international law to criminalise environmental terrorism. This lacuna could be remedied in part by the formulation and adoption of a new treaty to define and criminalise acts of terror against the natural environment. The outline of such a treaty is described in this article.
The popular press and the Iranian exile community have suggested that the Imperial Iranian Armed Forces ceased for the most part to exist as a result of the Islamic Revolution. This view has also been held by some scholars. However, the continued success of the Iranian military on the battlefield against Iraq is strong circumstantial evidence for questioning such a view. While it is true that Iran's professional military fell into considerable desuetude during and after the revolution, this results from other factors, not the postrevolutionary purge of the armed forces. This study will demonstrate the relatively limited scope and impact of the postrevolutionary purge.The purge of the Imperial Iranian Armed Forces took place in two phases: the first from February 1979 to September 30, 1979, the second from October 1979 to mid- September 1980. Each phase differed in intent, scope, intensity, and method.
The uprising in Syria since 2011 has created opportunities for creative approaches to Kurdish self-rule. The decision of Bashar al-Assad's armed forces to withdraw from Kurdish cities in Northern Syria enabled Kurdish parties to take charge of local state institutions, declare self-rule, and to replace Syria's flags with their own. The Democratic Union Party (Syria) announced a new constitution on 21 July 2013 that it called a "social contract". On the basis of that constitution, Kurdish autonomous self-rule was formed comprising of three initial cantons. The principle of equality of all groups and the renunciation of the nation-state are revolutionary dimensions of the new constitution. In this paper, the new constitution's creative dimensions are described and analyzed using a descriptive-analytic approach. The study aims to describe the articles of the constitution to analyze how minority Yazidis, Armenians, Arabs, Christians, Chechens, and Kurds might promote this model for the rest of Syria as a form of "democratic federalism".
The uprising in Syria since 2011 has created opportunities for creative approaches to Kurdish self-rule. The decision of Bashar al-Assad's armed forces to withdraw from Kurdish cities in Northern Syria enabled Kurdish parties to take charge of local state institutions, declare self-rule, and to replace Syria's flags with their own. The Democratic Union Party (Syria) announced a new constitution on 21 July 2013 that it called a "social contract". On the basis of that constitution, Kurdish autonomous self-rule was formed comprising of three initial cantons. The principle of equality of all groups and the renunciation of the nation-state are revolutionary dimensions of the new constitution. In this paper, the new constitution's creative dimensions are described and analyzed using a descriptive-analytic approach. The study aims to describe the articles of the constitution to analyze how minority Yazidis, Armenians, Arabs, Christians, Chechens, and Kurds might promote this model for the rest of Syria as a form of "democratic federalism". Santrauka Sudėtingi Sirijos sukilimo (2011) įvykiai pastaruoju metu kurdams suteikė galimybę paskelbti savivaldą Šiaurės Sirijoje. Basharo al-Assado ginkluotų- jų pajėgų sprendimas atsitraukti nuo kurdų miestų leido kurdų partijoms perimti savo žinion vietines valstybines institucijas, įvesti savivaldą ir pakeisti Sirijos vėliavas savosiomis. Įvykus 2011 metų sukilimui, Sirijos kurdai įsteigė autonomiją de facto, o Demokratų są jungos partija (Sirija) 2013 m. liepos 21 d. paskelbė naują konstituciją, vadinamą visuomenine sutartimi. Ja remiantis buvo suformuota kurdų autonominė savivalda ir sudaryti trys kantonai – tai Jazira, Kobani ir Afrinas. Ketvirtasis kantonas buvo paskelbtas 2015 m. birželį – tai Tell Abjadas (kurd. Girê Spî). Pačiame karo įkarštyje bandyta imtis kai kurių naujų veiksmų, remiantis visų grupių lygybės principu. Nacionalinės valstybės atsisakymas – tai vienas iš revoliucinių ir kūrybinių aspektų. Jazidai, Armėnijos arabai, krikščionys, čečėnai ir kurdai viliasi, kad jų "demokratinio federalizmo" veiksmai gali būti pavyzdys likusiai Sirijos daliai. Reikšminiai žodžiai:konstitucija, kūrybingumas, kurdai, Rojava, visuomeninė sutartis, Sirija
The uprising in Syria since 2011 has created opportunities for creative approaches to Kurdish self-rule. The decision of Bashar al-Assad's armed forces to withdraw from Kurdish cities in Northern Syria enabled Kurdish parties to take charge of local state institutions, declare self-rule, and to replace Syria's flags with their own. The Democratic Union Party (Syria) announced a new constitution on 21 July 2013 that it called a "social contract". On the basis of that constitution, Kurdish autonomous self-rule was formed comprising of three initial cantons. The principle of equality of all groups and the renunciation of the nation-state are revolutionary dimensions of the new constitution. In this paper, the new constitution's creative dimensions are described and analyzed using a descriptive-analytic approach. The study aims to describe the articles of the constitution to analyze how minority Yazidis, Armenians, Arabs, Christians, Chechens, and Kurds might promote this model for the rest of Syria as a form of "democratic federalism". Naujoji kūrybinė kurdų konstitucija Viduriniuosiuose Rytuose Santrauka.Sudėtingi Sirijos sukilimo (2011) įvykiai pastaruoju metu kurdams suteikė galimybę paskelbti savivaldą Šiaurės Sirijoje. Basharo al-Assado ginkluotų- jų pajėgų sprendimas atsitraukti nuo kurdų miestų leido kurdų partijoms perimti savo žinion vietines valstybines institucijas, įvesti savivaldą ir pakeisti Sirijos vėliavas savosiomis. Įvykus 2011 metų sukilimui, Sirijos kurdai įsteigė autonomiją de facto, o Demokratų są jungos partija (Sirija) 2013 m. liepos 21 d. paskelbė naują konstituciją, vadinamą visuomenine sutartimi. Ja remiantis buvo suformuota kurdų autonominė savivalda ir sudaryti trys kantonai – tai Jazira, Kobani ir Afrinas. Ketvirtasis kantonas buvo paskelbtas 2015 m. birželį – tai Tell Abjadas (kurd. Girê Spî). Pačiame karo įkarštyje bandyta imtis kai kurių naujų veiksmų, remiantis visų grupių lygybės principu. Nacionalinės valstybės atsisakymas – tai vienas iš revoliucinių ir kūrybinių aspektų. ...
Environmental law became global through the adoption of environmental treaties in the last quarter decade of the 20th century. Similarly, globalisation of criminal law accelerated when the Convention on Transnational Organised Crime 2000 (CTOC) deepened international legal cooperation between States to combat transnational crime. A protocol to the CTOC, complemented by voluntary guidelines and model legislation, could promote international harmonisation of laws against environmental crimes. This article argues that the time is right to bring together certain elements of international environmental and transnational criminal law.
