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It is not uncommon to hear stories about racism in the classroom: textbook companies get sued for biased narratives, teachers refer to slaves as indentured servants, and entire books detail the lack of inclusive education in social studies. I first discovered these incidents doing a research project about America's epidemic of unqualified history teachers for the Davidson Honors College and quickly decided to take action. Upon further research, I discovered that both Montana curriculum standards and Missoula County Public Schools do not require educators to mention minority history in any way. A student can spend four years at a high school and learn only about the U.S. in government, world history, or any other social studies course they take. Drawing from surveys sent out to Montana high schools, interviews with students and teachers, classroom observation, and help from the curriculum and instruction department, I embarked on a journey to develop a comprehensive Asian history curriculum that is accessible to both high school students and teachers. I evaluate status quo curriculum standards, the problems plaguing them, and suggest steps to fix those problems. If even one teacher finds a single lesson plan from this curriculum they like, it will be a step in the right direction to providing the inclusive history education that students deserve.

This article traces the parallel, though in some ways inverted, early careers of Gertrude Stein and Helen Woodward: one a celebrated but little-read modernist author and the other a widely-read but largely anonymous copywriter. The first section draws comparisons between early twentieth-century changes in advertising copy and Stein's literary innovations, focusing on the techniques used by Stein and copywriters like Woodward to direct attention to ordinary objects or promote branded products by appealing to the individual reader's experience and subjectivity. The second section goes on to consider the contrasting definitions and public expectations of the author within the contexts of high modernism and modern advertising, respectively. The article concludes with brief analysis of the techniques of attribution, promotion and anonymity within the autobiographies of these two writers, suggesting that the contrast in approaches to life writing were largely due to how creative and corporate authors held highly contrasting public positions in early twentieth-century America.

The overarching theme of this thesis concerns the possibility of balancing the values of unity and pluralism in education in developed nation states characterized by an increasing pluralism when it comes to the beliefs and values of its citizens. The author suggests that democracy has a normative basis in the principle of reciprocity which can be supported in an overlapping consensus by reasonable persons who differ in their moral, religious and philosophical beliefs. It is argued that this basis mandates a deliberative kind of democracy and that certain implications follow for how to understand the relation between democracy and individual rights, between democracy and religious belief and speech, and between rationality and deliberation, among other things. The author proceeds to discuss three educational issues in relation to the principle of reciprocity and its implications: 1. The legitimacy and content of a mandatory citizenship education, 2. Children's rights to develop personal autonomy, 3. The opportunity for parents and children to choose which school children attend. These issues are important in relation to the question of how to balance unity and pluralism in education in that they concern the promotion of certain common beliefs, values and dispositions among citizens or the creation of a system of choice between schools with different profiles. The purpose of the discussion is to construct a theoretical position which balances the values of unity and pluralism in education, by giving diversity its due (contra communitarianism) while upholding a measure of unity (contra libertarianism and radical multiculturalism) which is located in the democratic and autonomy- promoting purposes of education rather than (exclusively) in its economic/vocational purposes (contra neo-liberalism). The discussions make use of political philosophy, educational philosophy and empirical research carried out by other researchers.

It is not uncommon to hear stories about racism in the classroom: textbook companies get sued for biased narratives, teachers refer to slaves as indentured servants, and entire books detail the lack of inclusive education in social studies. I first discovered these incidents doing a research project about America's epidemic of unqualified history teachers for the Davidson Honors College and quickly decided to take action. Upon further research, I discovered that both Montana curriculum standards and Missoula County Public Schools do not require educators to mention minority history in any way. A student can spend four years at a high school and learn only about the U.S in government, world history, or any other social studies course they take. Drawing from surveys sent out to Montana high schools, interviews with students and teachers, classroom observation, and help from the curriculum and instruction department, I embarked on a journey to develop a comprehensive Asian history curriculum that is accessible to both high school students and teachers. I evaluate status quo curriculum standards, the problems plaguing them, and suggest steps to fix those problems. If even one teacher finds a single lesson plan from this curriculum they like, it will be a step in the right direction to providing the inclusive history education that American students deserve.

An analysis of the position of social science in the Southwest, as compared with the US as a whole, shows that in this region it is less well developed. This fact is reflected in disproportionate representation in offices of national professional societies, membership on boards of research organization, in limited research grants received, and other indices of isolation. For example, the 7 states of the Southwest do not h.:ve any representatives on the board of directors of the Soc. Sci. Res. Council. This regional discrimination reflects not only geographic isolation but various social factors. Social scientists in the Southwest are the 'poor relations' of the national academic family. The solution is not a 'declaration of independence' but attempts to utilize resources of the region more Way, to interest local persons of wealth in the sponsorship of research and other academic activities, development of the existing regional society, and expansion of the Southw. Soc. Sc. Quart. as a publication medium. If no one else shows much interest, self-help is necessary. E. Scott.

This review examines prominent state efforts to expand health coverage to the remaining uninsured. It analyzes and compares efforts in Massachusetts, Vermont, Colorado, California, and Nevada and highlights insights and themes that emerge. It explores the context and climate for reform within the state, stakeholder involvement, political coalitions, financing, and possible opposition. As such, it serves as a case study in how different states build, or fail to build, the popular and political will towards health care coverage for all residents. This is the first in a series of reports that will monitor and analyze developments at the state level to expand coverage and improve access to care.