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Danmarks befolkning bliver som i mange andre lande ældre og ældre. Denne artikel ser på hvordan det stiller os ift. behov for ældrepleje - og ikke mindst om vi kan tale om en egentlig krise i ældreplejen. Vi ser nærmere på den danske udvikling vis-à-vis dennordiske/europæiske ift. en række traditionelle velfærdsindikatorer som BNP og andel af ældre med serviceydelser, og finder kriser ift. ressourcer, medborgerskab og legitimitet. Artiklen afsluttes med en diskussion af om nuværende politiske og organisatoriske løsningsforslag er tilstrækkelige til at imødekomme krisetendenserne.

Résumé Depuis le début de la période de transition, l'offre en matière de crèches et d'écoles maternelles a diminué en termes absolus, notamment celle pour les très jeunes enfants : il y a moins de garderies et les coûts pour les bénéficiaires ont fortement augmenté. Parallèlement, on constate un changement dans la conception de la maternité, là où les systèmes de congés parentaux prolongés renforcent le rôle traditionnel de la femme au foyer. De nombreuses femmes s'abstiennent de profiter des congés parentaux par peur de perdre leur emploi. Les hommes n'ont que des droits "dérivés" et des possibilités restreintes de concilier travail et congé pour garde d'enfants.

Denmark shares values on the gendered division of care work on par with other Nordic countries. Regardless, as the exceptional case in the Nordic region, Denmark has not introduced a father's quota in the parental leave legislation, and this despite the strong impact such policy has on gender equality in leave take up. As a response, a father's quota intended for the father to use is in Denmark implemented instead via a number of collective agreements and local work contracts but mainly for those fathers in more secure labour market positions. This situates fathers, mothers and their children very unequally in regards to leave entitlements, thus risking to maintain existing inequalities across gender and labour market positions. This article investigates whether Danish values on gender roles in relation to work and care may explain the unique position Denmark has as the Nordic outlier in gender equality of parental leave policies, before investigating how many and which fathers tend to take leave. We use data from the European Value Study 1990-2017 as well as administrative data for fathers' take-up of leave in the same period, relative to other Nordic countries, and for particular educational backgrounds. We conclude that also in Denmark do men (and women) across all ages and educational levels support gender equality in sharing of work and family life. This indicates that the lower take-up of leave which we find among Danish men with lower education is mainly due to their more insecure position in the labour market. Not having a father's quota seems to affects fathers disproportionally across the educational divide. ; The prevailing gender ideologies in the Nordic countries generally support the equal division of work and family life between men and women, including the equal sharing of parental leave. Regardless, as the exceptional case in the Nordic region, Denmark currently has no father's quota, and this despite the strong impact such policy has effectively proven to have on gender equality in take-up of parental leave. While a quota intended for the father is instead implemented in Denmark via collective agreements, this is mainly available for fathers in more secure labour market positions. This situates Danish fathers, mothers and their children very unequally regarding parental leave entitlements, and the existing inequalities continue across gender, social class and labour market positions. This article explores to what extent institutional variables vis-à-vis cultural explanations such as gender attitudes provide an understanding of why Danish fathers take less parental leave than other Nordic fathers. We use data from the European Values Study (1990‒2017) as well as administrative data for fathers' parental leave take-up in the same period, relative to the other Nordics and for specific education backgrounds. We conclude that Danish men and women are even more supportive of gender equality in terms of work‒family life sharing compared to other Nordic countries. This indicates that institutional conditions such as parental leave entitlement matter for leave take-up, but in the Danish case attitudes do less so. Not having a father's quota seems to affect fathers disproportionally across the education divide, and the lower parental leave take-up among Danish men with little education is primarily ascribed to their labour market insecurity. The policy implication is clear: If we want mothers and fathers with different social backgrounds to share parental leave more equally, the policy must change—not attitudes.

The prevailing gender ideologies in the Nordic countries generally support the equal division of work and family life between men and women, including the equal sharing of parental leave. Regardless, as the exceptional case in the Nordic region, Denmark currently has no father's quota, and this despite the strong impact such policy has effectively proven to have on gender equality in take-up of parental leave. While a quota intended for the father is instead implemented in Denmark via collective agreements, this is mainly available for fathers in more secure labour market positions. This situates Danish fathers, mothers and their children very unequally regarding parental leave entitlements, and the existing inequalities continue across gender, social class and labour market positions. This article explores to what extent institutional variables vis-à-vis cultural explanations such as gender attitudes provide an understanding of why Danish fathers take less parental leave than other Nordic fathers. We use data from the European Values Study (1990‒2017) as well as administrative data for fathers' parental leave take-up in the same period, relative to the other Nordics and for specific education backgrounds. We conclude that Danish men and women are even more supportive of gender equality in terms of work‒family life sharing compared to other Nordic countries. This indicates that institutional conditions such as parental leave entitlement matter for leave take-up, but in the Danish case attitudes do less so. Not having a father's quota seems to affect fathers disproportionally across the education divide, and the lower parental leave take-up among Danish men with little education is primarily ascribed to their labour market insecurity. The policy implication is clear: If we want mothers and fathers with different social backgrounds to share parental leave more equally, the policy must change—not attitudes.

Er den danske velfærdsstat i en markant krise og med konstante behov for store reformer for forandringer? Det er det centrale spørgsmål, som artiklerne i dette nummer af Økonomi & Politik diskuterer ud fra en række forskellige tilgange og forståelser.

How does a public service model based on service universalism react to the introduction of market principles of topping up? In a recent so‐called Free Municipality Scheme (an experimental scheme that allowed for greater operational autonomy locally in an effort to reduce state bureaucracy), a number of Danish municipalities were for the first time ever allowed to compete with for‐profit providers of home care in selling supplemental home care services paid entirely by the user. The take‐home message from this experience is that the introduction of supplemental home care entails challenges and eventually wider implications for the public service model, on an economic, organisational and cultural level. Supplemental services represent a new and potentially powerful combination of market and state logics that eventually redirects away from the universalist welfare state and towards a new and increasingly privatised public service model – a model where the service level is determined by the user's capacity to purchase and pay for services. The introduction of such services therefore implies a change of the potential of the Nordic welfare state to ensure equal access regardless of class and income.

AbstractThe Nordic childcare policy model is often reviewed and even recommended internationally for its contribution to gender equality, high female labour force participation and, perhaps more indirectly, to a high fertility rate. Nordic childcare services and parental leave schemes have thus been portrayed in the literature as policies which have managed to facilitate a work–family model of dual earners and dual carers. However, the recent introduction of cash‐for‐care schemes seems to go against the Nordic dual earner/dual carer model and ideals of gender equality, in supporting parental (maternal) care of the child in the home. At the same time, new upcoming trends of political fatherhood and the perspective of lifelong learning for the child are also changing the Nordic childcare model.This article provides an analysis of how new childcare policy goals have been articulated into policies from the late 1990s to the late 2000s and how these may challenge the traditional goals of the Nordic welfare states.

In her Work—Lifestyle Choices, Hakim argued that attitudinal factors like work—lifestyle preferences are more important than institutions or structures in explaining female employment. Our aim is to study whether we can substantiate Hakim's preference theory or whether we should lay more emphasis on institutional factors. We ask whether there are systematic differences in attitudes to work and family life as proposed by Hakim. To what extent do the attitudinal dimensions react to institutional variables such as day care and family leave possibilities? What are the relative roles of opinions on family life and working life and traditional sociological variables such as education, income and socio-economic status? How does a spouse's opinion affect women's choices (intra-family attitudinal consistency)? We utilize the International Social Survey Programme data from 2002 and combine it with indicators of the quality of child-care and parental-leave policies in Denmark, England, Finland, Germany, the Netherlands, Norway and Sweden. Our findings suggest that opinions matter but they are constrained by opportunity structures which are not alike for all women across different countries; opportunities depend not only on structural factors but also on institutional factors, such as the availability of day care. In addition, the opinion of male partners seems to influence women's decisions about employment.

8. Gender regime, attitudes towards childcare and actual involvement in childcare among fathersIntroduction; Background; Data and methods; Gender policy regime shaping fathers' attitudes and involvement in family life; Conclusion; Theme 3: Constructing fatherhood in different family settings; 9. Fathering as a learning process: breaking new ground in familiar territory; Introduction; Data and methods; Social change of fathering as a challenge to motherhood ideologies; Understanding fathering as a learning process; Negotiations of competent care.