Suchergebnisse

The article carried out a comprehensive study of the potential, opportunities and prospects for digitalization of the political participation of citizens of the European Union as a tool to overcome the deficit of democracy. It has been established that the semantic markers of the process of digitalization of political participation are associated with the goal of overcoming the deficit of democracy in the EU and can be defined through a set of principles: human-centrism; solidarity and inclusion; freedom of choice; political participation in the democratic process at all levels; safety; constancy. It is proved that overcoming the deficit of democracy with the help of digitalization tools of political participation has clearly shown the risks and dangers of a digital divide that deepens politically significant cleavages: economically developed regions of the EU – economically depressed regions of the EU; access to a secure digital environment – lack of access to a secure digital environment. The active development of the Internet infrastructure in the EU has not significantly affected the simplification of access for older people, citizens with a lower level of education and citizens with disabilities to e-democracy digital platforms, therefore ensuring the widest possible access to e-participation platforms is a promising direction for EU policy. At the same time, EU policy efforts to increase citizen participation in policymaking should not be based solely on Internet strategies, but should increase the credibility and legitimacy of EU institutions in the economically less developed regions of a united Europe. Using the SWOT analysis method of e-participation tools in the EU, it is substantiated that the European Citizens' Initiative, the European Parliamentary Platform and the advisory petition platform "Your Voice in Europe" have a certain "parity" in the ratio of strengths and weaknesses for each of these tools. Weaknesses and threats can be leveled due to the development of their capabilities in the medium term. In particular, the potential of e-participation tools lies in enhancing the flexibility and convenience of the respective digital platforms; development and implementation of strategies for competitive mobilization and involvement of citizens; detailing the processing of proposals after their acceptance; summarizing and analyzing the data contained in the petitions; creation of a multi-level system of petitions, allowing to correlate local, national and European interests; deployment of discursive interaction between citizens and EU institutions at all stages of using e-participation tools; formalization of the connection between the processes of participation and decision-making. It has been established that the prospects for deepening the process of digitalization of political participation as a tool to overcome the deficit of democracy are determined by the formed request for all the variability of forms of political participation in the EU policy space, which is directly related to the deployment of the public space of European politics and the functional approval of the institution of European citizenship.

The article provides a comprehensive study of the procedural aspects of the use of petitions to the European Parliament as a tool for the dialogue model of political participation of EU citizens indicates that it is an integral element of participatory democracy, which creates such institutional conditions that allow the formation of subject-subject relations in the field of politics. Methodological support formed on the political science discourse of the functional tools of participatory democracy, which revolves around the definition of standards for measuring and evaluating participatory democracy in the context of the idea of Good Democracy; determining the place of the dialogue model of political participation in the space of post-democracy and online democracy; characteristics of the prospects for participatory democracy in conditions of permanent crises and global risks; concretization of the role and functions of petitions in the processes of modernization of the coordination of citizens' interests in the period between elections, made it possible to prove that the right to appeal belongs to the range of tools of participatory democracy, which is designated at the EU level as an opportunity for citizens to use a clear and transparent way of interacting with EU institutions and to participate in democratic political process, influencing the formation of the political agenda. It was found that certain features of the procedural aspects of filing petitions to the European Parliament indicate that the EU has formed a clear and understandable procedure for filing and considering petitions, which is systematically updated towards expanding the boundaries of participation of EU citizens at each stage of consideration of a petition. It is important for Ukrainian political practice that a number of rules for considering petitions, primarily those related to deadlines, have an informal status. However, the absence of formal rules does not provide for the practice of delaying the process of considering petitions both at the level of the European Parliament and during the involvement of other EU institutions. It is substantiated that the main functions of internal parliamentary discussions in the process of considering petitions reveal the discursive nature of policy-making in the EU and free access to relevant instruments. PETI, as a coordinating committee, initiates and facilitates collaboration with other parliamentary committees to create the basis for an internal parliamentary discussion of a petition or group of petitions. The main principle of participation in it is the principle of granting the right to participate to all interested parties. It is proved that a statistical cut of the interest of EU citizens in the use of petitions indicates a consistently reproducible interest in petitions, which in the context of EU member states demonstrates its importance both for citizens of the founding countries and for citizens of the EU member states of the third wave of enlargement. It has been substantiated that one should not idealize the tool of petitions as functional for articulating and representing the interests of citizens. However, it is precisely with its help that it is possible to measure the dynamics of the participatory democracy process and monitor those interests on which the European policy is not sufficiently focused, but which are important for the population of the EU member states.

The article provides a comprehensive study of the peculiarities of policy formation to protect the electoral model of political participation from disinformation in the European Union. It is established that its content is determined by the synthesis of three components: (1) information, which combines the functioning of a transparent and accountable online ecosystem, development of education and media literacy, support for quality journalism as a source of formation/renewal/ transformation of motivation of citizens; (2) institutional – security of electoral processes and stable functioning of the institution of elections as a space for the implementation of electoral choice of citizens of EU member states; (3) security – counteracting internal and external threats of disinformation, which distort the electoral choice, by means of strategic communications. The effectiveness of anti-disinformation policy is ensured by its democratic procedure, which involved the involvement of experts (HLEG), broad public consultations on the impact of disinformation on the nature of political processes and opinion polls in EU member states. It has been proven that the tools and types of disinformation dissemination used by third parties have identified the need for legislative regulation of the process of identifying and removing disinformation content of messages on social networks and the Internet; developing a model of coordinated action at EU level to combat hybrid threats; determining the nature and level of EU dependence on foreign technologies in critical infrastructure chains; identifying ways to strengthen internal security at the level of EU institutions; development of a system of tools to counter disinformation campaigns by third countries, which are created to influence the public opinion of citizens of EU member states. It is justified that one of the results of the development of anti-disinformation policy is a clear definition of the unresolved problem to which the political and discursive practices of the political elite should be directed – it is hidden foreign funding of political activities in the EU.

The article provides a comprehensive study of the process of forming the functional features of the European Civil Initiative (ECI) as an innovative format of political participation in the European Union. The theoretical and methodological framework of the study was the principles and conceptual provisions of the theory of participatory democracy and the definition of a dialogue model of political participation as a process of exchange of opinions, judgments, proposals between interested subjects of the political process based on the principles of open partnership between the authorities and citizens, in which they act as equal subjects political relations. Based on this, it has been established that the ECI format is inherently an instrument for deepening the political dimension of European citizenship and is based on the principles of participatory democracy. The possibility of introducing the EGI format into the political process was prepared by the long experience of using consultations with civil society institutions, which contributed to the formation of a more balanced and transparent process of developing European policy, improving the quality of public perception of politics as a process to which everyone can join. However, the concentration of European political institutions on dialogue with the institutionalized public gradually ousted from this process the citizen as a subject of politics and increased the distance between him and the EU institutions. Therefore, the ECI was positioned as a way to bring the political institutions of the EU closer to citizens. It has been proven that since the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, the ECI has been designated in the official political discourse of the EU as one of the most visible and concrete innovations that affect the quality of EU policy. It is substantiated that the ECI technology contributes to the maximum involvement of citizens in the formation of the political agenda and the discursive space of European politics through participation in public debates at the level of the European Parliament when discussing the initiative; ensures deepening of integration processes at the level of aggregation of interests and needs of EU citizens and conducting joint campaigns to support initiatives; ensures the integrity of the multi-level dialogue between EU citizens, European and national political institutions. The ECI has given a new dimension to European democracy, complementing the set of rights associated with EU citizenship and deepening the transparency of the European public space. ; У статті здійснено комплексне дослідження процесу формування функціональних особливостей Європейської громадянської ініціативи (ЄГІ) як інноваційного формату політичної участі в Європейському Союзі. Опираючись на низку принципів та концептуальних положень теорії демократії участі та визначення діалогової моделі політичної участі як процесу обміну думками, судженнями, пропозиціями між зацікавленими суб'єктами політичного процесу, що ґрунтується на принципах відкритого партнерства влади та громадян, в якому вони виступають як рівні суб'єкти політичних відносин, встановлено, що формат ЄГІ, визначений Лісабонським договором, як інструмент поглиблення політичного виміру європейського громадянства, заснований на принципах демократії участі. Можливість запровадження формату ЄГІ була підготовлена тривалим досвідом використання консультацій з інститутами громадянського суспільства, що сприяли формуванню більш збалансованого та прозорого процесу вироблення європейської політики, підвищенню якості громадського сприйняття політики як процесу, до якого може долучитися кожен. Проте, концентрація європейських політичних інституцій на діалозі з інституціоналізованою громадськістю поступово витіснила з цього процесу громадянина як суб'єкта політики та збільшила дистанцію між ним та інститутами ЄС. Відтак, ЄГІ позиціонувалася як шлях наближення політичних інститутів ЄС до громадян. Доведено, що від моменту набрання чинності Лісабонського договору, ЄГІ в офіційному політичному дискурсі ЄС означається як одна з найбільш помітних і конкретних інновацій, що впливає на якість політики ЄС. Обґрунтовано, що технологія ЄГІ сприяє максимальному залученню громадян до формування політичного порядку денного та дискурсивного простору європейської політики через участь у публічних дебатах на рівні Європейського парламенту під час обговорення ініціативи; забезпечує поглиблення інтеграційних процесів на рівні агрегування інтересів та потреб громадян ЄС та проведення спільних кампаній з підтримки ініціатив; забезпечує цілісність багаторівневого діалогу між громадянами ЄС, європейськими та національними політичними інститутами. ЄГІ задала новий вимір європейській демократії, доповнюючи набір прав, пов'язаних з громадянством ЄС та поглиблюючи прозорість європейського публічного простору.

У статті здійснено комплексне дослідження особливостей позиціонування зовнішньополітичних пріоритетів Європейського Союзу. Встановлено, що хоча модель стратегічного суверенітету офіційно не була визначена як підґрунтя для формування пулу зовнішньополітичних пріоритетів ЄС, об'єднання опирається на її базові принципи, що потребує опанування Європейським Союзом мислення геополітичної сили. Доведено, що коло зовнішньополітичних пріоритетів ЄЄ на 2019–224 рр. визначається «геополітичним» статусом Європейської Комісії, яка сфокусувала свою діяльність на розробці всеосяжної стратегії щодо Африки; підтвердженні європейських перспектив Західних Балкан; стратегічному партнерстві зі Сполученим Королівством; орієнтації на світове лідерство (геополітичну суб'єктність); збереження трансатлантичної безпекової платформи в умовах створення системи європейської оборони. Обґрунтовано, що для ЄС важливо зберігати і реформувати трансатлантичне партнерство як центр європейської безпеки і найважливіший компонент міжнародного порядку та водночас інвестувати в безпеку Європи, щоб стати більш автономним партнером в рамках НАТО і джерелом безпеки для сусідніх країн Європи. Досягнення такого балансу потребує від ЄС і його держав-членів зміцнити європейські центри НАТО, та конкурувати з ним в Косово та Африці. В умовах зростаючої невизначеності та перманентних геополітичних ризиків ЄС повинен слідувати стратегічному курсу дій, який має громадську підтримку, та забезпечити свою здатність діяти автономно, основою якої є консенсус між державами-членами об'єднання щодо формату зовнішньої політики та її пріоритетів.

The article analyzes the place and role of New Institutionalism in the system of theoretical and methodological foundations of political science. It is proved that the limitations of any science by the methodology leads to the fact that a significant number of problems, the study of which does not fit into the rigid framework of the scientific method, do not attract the attention of researchers. The conclusions note that in political science there does not exist and never existed a definite universal methodology, the general principles of which would be equally understood and applied by all researchers studying politics and which would guarantee the necessary, objective and universal knowledge for the sphere of politics. Those methodological approaches that have been used in political science since the 19th century correspond, first of all, to the subject and objectives of cognition of politics, which are dynamically changing and will change depending on changes in political reality. Therefore, the complex of methodological approaches that has been formed today is not exhaustive, and the methodology of New Institutionalism cannot be designated as universal. Most of the methodological approaches used today in political science are borrowed from other sciences, with the exception of the neo-institutionalism methodology, the basic principles of which were not adapted, but formed as a set of methods and theories for studying political. The methodological foundations of political science indicate its dependence, like any other science, on the philosophical models of cognition characteristic of a particular historical time. Initially, the development of the methodology of political science was influenced not only by the subject and purpose of the study, but also by the prospects for the practical use of the results obtained using certain methodologies and their socio and cultural purposes.
Keywords: political science, methodology of political science, theory of political science, New Institutionalism.

The article provides a comprehensive analysis of the dynamics of the political discourse of the «PARTY ―PETRA POROSHENKO‖» Solidarity «PARTY» in modeling the reintegration prospects of the Crimea and Donbas. It is proved that the discourse of the parliamentary faction of the party was centered around the problems of the administrative and territorial structure of the Donetsk and Lugansk regions, the role of civil-military administrations, the problems of decentralization of power and the illegal nature of the elections of the Russian Federation in Crimea. It was established that the role and functions of the military-civil administrations were determined by the faction, firstly, as a body in the liberated districts of the Donetsk and Lugansk regions, which performs the functions of temporarily absent representative local governments; secondly, as an institution for reducing the level of discontent among the population permanently residing in the zone of the antiterrorist operation. Condemning the elections in the temporarily occupied Crimea and the Donbass, the parliamentary faction «Party ―BLOCK PETRA POROSHENKO‖» used all available tools and established communication with theentire complex of adopted legislative initiatives of the party. The articulation of the need to form a symbolic and memory policy of the Ukrainian Crimea is associated primarily with parliamentary activities of a member of the Verkhovna Rada Committee on Human Rights, National Minorities and Interethnic Relations, a member of the faction PETRA UNION POROSHENKO R. Chubarov, official level condemned violations of the rights of the Crimean Tatar national self-government and the prosecution of the Crimean Tatars in Crimea for their political views and convictions beliefs. The integration of the Crimea and the Donbass into the Ukrainian economic space is determined by the faction «PETRA POROSHENKO BLOCK» as dependent on the processes of de-escalation, stabilization and return of the Donbass to the political space of Ukraine. ; У статті здійснено комплексний аналіз динаміки політичного дискурсу партії «БЛОК ПЕТРА ПОРОШЕНКА "СОЛІДАРНІСТЬ"» у моделюванні реінтеграційних перспектив Криму та Донбасу. Доведено, що дискурс парламентської фракції партії відбувався навколо проблем адміністративно-територіального устрою Донецької й Луганської областей, ролі військово-цивільних адміністрацій, проблем децентралізації влади та незаконного характеру виборів Російської Федерації в Криму. Установлено, що роль іфункції військово-цивільних адміністрацій визначалася фракцією, по-перше, як орган у звільнених районах Донецької та Луганської областей, який виконує функції тимчасово відсутніх представницьких органів місцевого самоврядування; по-друге – як інститут зниження рівня невдоволення серед населення, котре постійно проживає в Зоні антитерористичної операції. Засуджуючи вибори в тимчасово окупованих Криму та на Донбасі, парламентська фракція «ПАРТІЯ "БЛОК ПЕТРА ПОРОШЕНКА"» використовувала всі доступні інструменти й установлювала зв'язок з усім комплексом прийнятих законодавчих ініціатив партії, що стосуються інтеграційних перспектив України. Артикуляція необхідності формування символічної політики та політики пам'яті українського Криму пов'язана, передусім, із парламентською діяльністю члена Комітету Верховної Ради України з питань прав людини, національних меншин і міжнаціональних відносин, члена фракції «ПАРТІЯ "БЛОК ПЕТРА ПОРОШЕНКА"» Р. Чубарова, завдяки зусиллям якого український парламент на офіційному рівні засуджував порушення прав кримськотатарського національного самоврядування та переслідування кримських татар у Криму за політичні погляди й переконання. Інтеграція Криму та Донбасу в українській економічний простір визначена фракцією «ПАРТІЯ "БЛОК ПЕТРА ПОРОШЕНКА"» як залежна від процесів деескалації, стабілізації й повернення Донбасу до політичного простору України.

This article reveals the essence of energy diplomacy in Ukraine to be an effective and powerful tool for improving national energy security. The focus lies on an analysis of the European energy diplomacy rules that presuppose the ability to take into account the interests of all parties, including the interests of Ukraine, which comply with European legislation and should be considered as an integral part of the EU gas market. With a powerful resource, it is a transit country for' the transportation of gas, Ukraine needs to concentrate all its efforts on maintaining the status of a geopolitical player. However, playing by European rules requires compliance with European standards on the organization of gas production and transportation. Currently, Ukraine has been developing an proactive energy diplomacy strategy that faces external challenges and threats. While playing a crucial role as a strategic geopolitical gas transit country, Ukraine requires the use of proactive strategies to advance the agenda for European energy security. To conclude, it is necessary that Ukraine should vigorously develop suitable energy diplomacy as an effective tool for improving energy security both on the national and European levels.This article reveals the essence of energy diplomacy in Ukraine to be an effective and powerful tool for improving national energy security. The focus lies on an analysis of the European energy diplomacy rules that presuppose the ability to take into account the interests of all parties, including the interests of Ukraine, which comply with European legislation and should be considered as an integral part of the EU gas market. With a powerful resource, it is a transit country for' the transportation of gas, Ukraine needs to concentrate all its efforts on maintaining the status of a geopolitical player. However, playing by European rules requires compliance with European standards on the organization of gas production and transportation. Currently, Ukraine has been developing an proactive energy diplomacy strategy that faces external challenges and threats. While playing a crucial role as a strategic geopolitical gas transit country, Ukraine requires the use of proactive strategies to advance the agenda for European energy security. To conclude, it is necessary that Ukraine should vigorously develop suitable energy diplomacy as an effective tool for improving energy security both on the national and European levels. ; This article reveals the essence of energy diplomacy in Ukraine to be an effective and powerful tool for improving national energy security. The focus lies on an analysis of the European energy diplomacy rules that presuppose the ability to take into account the interests of all parties, including the interests of Ukraine, which comply with European legislation and should be considered as an integral part of the EU gas market. With a powerful resource, it is a transit country for' the transportation of gas, Ukraine needs to concentrate all its efforts on maintaining the status of a geopolitical player. However, playing by European rules requires compliance with European standards on the organization of gas production and transportation. Currently, Ukraine has been developing an proactive energy diplomacy strategy that faces external challenges and threats. While playing a crucial role as a strategic geopolitical gas transit country, Ukraine requires the use of proactive strategies to advance the agenda for European energy security. To conclude, it is necessary that Ukraine should vigorously develop suitable energy diplomacy as an effective tool for improving energy security both on the national and European levels.

This article reveals the essence of energy diplomacy in Ukraine to be an effective and powerful tool for improving national energy security. The focus lies on an analysis of the European energy diplomacy rules that presuppose the ability to take into account the interests of all parties, including the interests of Ukraine, which comply with European legislation and should be considered as an integral part of the EU gas market. With a powerful resource, it is a transit country for' the transportation of gas, Ukraine needs to concentrate all its efforts on maintaining the status of a geopolitical player. However, playing by European rules requires compliance with European standards on the organization of gas production and transportation. Currently, Ukraine has been developing an proactive energy diplomacy strategy that faces external challenges and threats. While playing a crucial role as a strategic geopolitical gas transit country, Ukraine requires the use of proactive strategies to advance the agenda for European energy security. To conclude, it is necessary that Ukraine should vigorously develop suitable energy diplomacy as an effective tool for improving energy security both on the national and European levels.This article reveals the essence of energy diplomacy in Ukraine to be an effective and powerful tool for improving national energy security. The focus lies on an analysis of the European energy diplomacy rules that presuppose the ability to take into account the interests of all parties, including the interests of Ukraine, which comply with European legislation and should be considered as an integral part of the EU gas market. With a powerful resource, it is a transit country for' the transportation of gas, Ukraine needs to concentrate all its efforts on maintaining the status of a geopolitical player. However, playing by European rules requires compliance with European standards on the organization of gas production and transportation. Currently, Ukraine has been developing an proactive energy diplomacy strategy that faces external challenges and threats. While playing a crucial role as a strategic geopolitical gas transit country, Ukraine requires the use of proactive strategies to advance the agenda for European energy security. To conclude, it is necessary that Ukraine should vigorously develop suitable energy diplomacy as an effective tool for improving energy security both on the national and European levels. ; This article reveals the essence of energy diplomacy in Ukraine to be an effective and powerful tool for improving national energy security. The focus lies on an analysis of the European energy diplomacy rules that presuppose the ability to take into account the interests of all parties, including the interests of Ukraine, which comply with European legislation and should be considered as an integral part of the EU gas market. With a powerful resource, it is a transit country for' the transportation of gas, Ukraine needs to concentrate all its efforts on maintaining the status of a geopolitical player. However, playing by European rules requires compliance with European standards on the organization of gas production and transportation. Currently, Ukraine has been developing an proactive energy diplomacy strategy that faces external challenges and threats. While playing a crucial role as a strategic geopolitical gas transit country, Ukraine requires the use of proactive strategies to advance the agenda for European energy security. To conclude, it is necessary that Ukraine should vigorously develop suitable energy diplomacy as an effective tool for improving energy security both on the national and European levels.

In the article the author determines the features of the dynamics of the structural resources of the regional political regime in the Chernivtsi region in 1991–2017. It is substantiated that the basis for the functioning of any political regime (national, regional or local) is the availability of a set of resources that allow it to assert and maintain its own subjectivity in interaction with the political center, influence the public matrix of the region in order to achieve the desired result in the political sphere, apply technology authoritarian and competitive mobilization for achieving the set goals.
It is proved that the administrative-territorial, socio-economic, educational and information-communication resources of the regional political regime in the Chernivtsi region have undergone significant changes. It is justified that in addition to educational resources, all others are weak enough to ensure the formation of a set of strong regional actors and ensure open political competition.
In the conclusions, the author notes that regional political actors at the level of institutions of power and local self-government are dependent on concentrated business groups that actually completed the distribution of the resources of the regional political regime. Being integrated into institutional structures of political power and local self-government, business groups reproduce informal management practices, tested in the process of development by a complex of economic resources of the region. The system of mediator institutes is concentrated in the information space, trying to act as an arbitrator in the interaction of the weak for the center, and for the region, power and concentrated business structures.
Keywords: Regional political regime, regime resources, structural resources, political dynamics, Chernivtsi region

In the article the author defined the peculiar properties and structure of the political mechanisms for the integration of Russian nationalism into Crimea's Political Area in 1991-2014. It is proved that Russian nationalism formed a political strategy of integration into the political space of the Ukrainian autonomy on the principles of creating a manageable set of actors and subjects of the regional political process and civil space, as well as the incorporation of its agents of influence into the institutions of political power of the ARC. It is substantiated that the essence of the political component of the strategy of the activities of Russian imperial nationalism in the Crimea consisted in the creation on the basis of the Russian national minority (by status) of an independent ethno-social organism with a claim to its own state-territorial formation.
In the conclusions, the author notes that structurally, the process of using the political mechanisms for the integration of Russian nationalism in the ARC is presented in three consecutive stages. At the first stage, the political goals of Russian nationalism in the Crimea were identified, which were of an imperial nature, and therefore included the definition of key directions and a system of organizational measures that were oriented toward the political, economic, ethno-national, sociocultural and information spheres of life in the Crimean peninsula. At the second stage, the political institutes of the Russian Federation developed a system of advanced initiatives aimed at weakening the influence of the institutions of Ukraine's political power on the territory of the autonomy and a set of tactical methods that enabled them to react quickly to the actual challenges of pro-Ukrainian initiatives. At the third stage, a system of effective mechanisms of lobbying, institutional interaction, forms, methods and methods of reproducing the meanings of Russian imperial nationalism in the ARC at the level of all levels of the given social space – political, ethnonational, socio-cultural and economic – was formed.
Keywords: Autonomous Republic of Crimea, Russia, Russian nationalism, political integration, integration mechanisms, political meanings