Suchergebnisse

"The Life and Death of ACT UP/LA explores the history of the AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power, Los Angeles, part of the militant anti-AIDS movement of the 1980s and 1990s. ACT UP/LA battled government, medical, and institutional neglect of the AIDS epidemic, engaging in multi-targeted protest in Los Angeles and nationally. The book shows how appealing the direct action anti-AIDS activism was for people across the United States; as well as arguing the need to understand how the politics of place affect organizing, and how the particular features of the Los Angeles cityscape shaped possibilities for activists. A feminist lens is used, seeing social inequalities as mutually reinforcing and interdependent, to examine the interaction of activists and the outcomes of their actions. Their struggle against AIDS and homophobia, and to have a voice in their healthcare, presaged the progressive, multi-issue, anti-corporate, confrontational organizing of the late twentieth century, and deserves to be part of that history"--

This examines the emergence of feminist movements from the Civil Rights/Black Liberation movement, the Chicano movement, and the white left in the 1960s and 1970s. The author argues that the 'second wave' was comprised of feminisms: organizationally distinct movements that influenced each other in complex ways. The making of second wave feminisms resulted from decisions that feminists made about their political choices given constraints that affected their activism. These constraints were placed on them by structural inequalities that militated against unity among feminists from different racial/ethnic communities; by loyalties that feminists, particularly feminists of color, felt to other members of their movement communities; and by the necessity of making political decisions within a competitive and complex extra-institutional oppositional milieu

In this article, I chart the origins of the Indivisible movement in the United States, which began online as a response to the election of Donald Trump to the presidency in November of 2016. The Indivisible movement's founders explicitly modeled their countermovement structurally after the Republican Tea Party that arose to obstruct Obama's agenda, consciously using the Tea Party's combination of decentralized organizing made possible by the Internet, its focus on local political races, and its general willingness to work with an established political party. I consider what the case of Indivisible has to tell us about some of the dynamics that movements in the Internet age will likely encounter, namely, the importance of virality and branding for mobilization and social media's capacity for aggregating the like-minded. I conclude that while it is hard to predict whether Indivisible will be successful in obstructing the conservative Trump agenda, the movement bears watching as an example of movement mobilization in the Internet age.

I argue that a convergent dialogical approach to the understanding of social movement discourse drawn from sociology and feminist studies is best suited for understanding challenges made by dissenters within social movements. I analyze "second wave" Chicana feminism which arose in the 1960s and 1970s. I first discuss two dialogical approaches in social movement and feminist theory to understand the strategies that challengers within already oppositional movements use to confront locally hegemonic discourse. Chicana feminists built their arguments on established Chicano movement practice and values, but transformed/inverted the meanings of movement concepts and appropriated movement practices to their own newly forming feminist ends. In conclusion, I explore what the case of discursive strategies in Chicana feminism tells us about the creation of blind spots in movement discourse and what dialogical approaches can offer vis-à-vis an understanding of discourse's role in movement fragmentation.