Suchergebnisse

Preface -- 1. North Lebanon in Bilad al-Sham -- 2. Defending an imagined Umma: the path to terrorism -- 3. The anti-Syrian movement: rebuilding a political scene -- 4. The Syrian response -- 5. Jihad and resistance in North Lebanon: the history of Fatah al-Islam -- 6. The failure to create a lasting support base for the Syrian insurrection -- Epilogue -- Conclusion -- Maps -- Glossary -- Index

Northern Lebanon is a land in turmoil. Long under the sway of the Assad regime in Syria, it is now a magnet for Sunni Muslim jihadists inspired by anti-Western and anti-Shi'i worldviews. The Sunni Tragedy in the Middle East describes in harrowing detail the struggle led by an active minority of jihadist militants, some claiming allegiance to ISIS, to seize control of Islam and impose its rule over the region's Sunni Arab population. Bernard Rougier introduces us to men with links to the mujahideen in Afghanistan, the Sunni resistance in Iraq, al-Qaeda, and ISIS. He describes how they aspire to replace north Lebanon's Sunni elites, who have been attacked and discredited by neighboring powers and jihadists alike, and explains how they have successfully positioned themselves as the local Sunni population's most credible defender against powerful external enemies--such as Iran and the Shi'i militia group Hezbollah. He sheds new light on the methods and actions of the jihadists, their internal debates, and their evolving political agenda over the past decade. This riveting book is based on more than a decade of research, more than one hundred in-depth interviews with players at all levels, and Rougier's extraordinary access to original source material. Written by one of the world's leading experts on jihadism, The Sunni Tragedy in the Middle East provides timely insight into the social, political, and religious life of this dangerous and strategically critical region of the Middle East.

Les réseaux islamistes en France se sont disputés depuis la fin des années 1980 la domination d'une population d'origine immigrée et d'ascendance musulmane, en cherchant par une surenchère religieuse à les regrouper sous la seule autorité du référent religieux. Des collectifs islamistes se sont ainsi constitués, au risque de favoriser des attitudes et des comportements de rupture par rapport aux valeurs constitutives du pacte républicain.

En Égypte, l'armée a usé de tout son poids pour éviter l'émergence de forces susceptibles de remettre en cause sa prééminence. Les débats des derniers mois ont porté sur le timing des élections et sur les pouvoirs de la future Assemblée. La plus grande surprise des législatives a été le succès des salafistes. Quant aux Frères musulmans, au pouvoir grâce aux élections et au compromis passé avec l'armée, ils vont devoir se confronter aux nombreux défis internes et externes du pays.

The Broader Middle East & North Africa Initiative announced by the Bush administration in early 2004 identified new international threats from within the heart of Muslim societies & advocated the establishment of a climate of political freedom & transparency to reduce the risks of terrorism. This initiative, however, suffered from a fundamental contradiction as genuine political democratization would enable sovereignist elements to call into question the underpinnings of American hegemony in the region. Moreover, in neglecting to address the Israeli-Palestinian problem, the instrumentalization of a democratic agenda by an external power weakens Arab democratic opposition movements within their own society. In the hope of building international consensus on Iraq, the version of the initiative adopted at the 2004 G-8 summit may be seen as an attenuated version of the original project in which the concern for "good governance" has prevailed over the desire for democratization. Adapted from the source document.

In den palästinensischen Flüchtlingslagern im Libanon haben radikal-islamische Gruppen eigene Gemeinschaften und Netzwerke aufgebaut, und ihre Mitglieder stehen mittlerweile in sozialer und politischer Hinsicht außerhalb des traditionellen palästinensischen Referenzrahmens. In diesem Kontext stößt die zweite Intifada nicht auf uneingeschränkte Solidarität mit den Palästinensern in Gaza und der Westbank, ja sie hat zu einer tiefen Spaltung der palästinensischen Gesellschaft im Libanon geführt. Einige betrachten weiterhin die Selbstverwaltungsbehörde als wesentlichen Akteur für ihre Angelegenheiten, andere beziehen sich auf einen Weltislam und unterlaufen so die Idee einer nationalen palästinensischen Identität. (DÜI-Sbd)