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This communication explores the hypothesis that structural urban decline can open a space for the development of alternative urban strategies. It will do that through a careful analysis of urban decline and its consequences in Cleveland, Ohio. In so doing, we will pay a special attention to the role of an important actor, yet often neglected: the financial sector, particularly its role in the formation of the hyperghetto of Cleveland - the Eastern neighborhoods of the inner-city, which have face an acceleration of the process of abandonment since the foreclosure crisis. Then we will question the role of urban decline in the emergence of alternatives to neoliberalism. By analyzing the rise of a "degrowth coalition" promoting urban agriculture as a viable use of the vacant land in the hyperghetto, we will demonstrate that the spectacular release of "designed space" offers new opportunities to "lived space". In other words, we will explore the hypothesis that the logic of political, social, and economic abandonment, and the availability of cheap urban land, can to some extent be a breeding ground for the emergence of policies and practices that move away from the neoliberal model. This assumption allows us to re-examine the classical vision of cities doomed to spread relentlessly to the detriment of their agricultural hinterland, but also to question the possibility of a future widespread in the world of the model of American "Do It Yourself City ".

The decision of the Moroccan government to create the new town of Tamesna in the fringes of Rabat in 2004 was officially presented as an important tool in order to solve the problem of slums by providing new affordable housing for the marginalized population of the capital of Morocco. The new town was also supposed to constitute a turn in the strategy of development of the country by bringing in the idea of "social integration of housing" through social mix . However, the economic crisis led several private developers involved in the project to leave it early, putting the public developer in charge of the spatial planning of the city into trouble and triggering a political controversy at the national scale. Today, Tamesna still appears as under-equipped and inhabited by an under-projected population struggling to make a living in what an inhabitant refers to as "an ideal turned into an ordeal". As such, the creation of the new town appears as a tool which entails the multifaceted violence of spatial planning in a neoliberalizing Southern country. Drawing on a political-economic approach, we will analyze the failure of Tamesna and its consequences by inquiring on the genesis of the project, which we describe as reflecting the contradictions of the Moroccon State and the increasing influence of the real-estate sector under the current phase of "roll-out neoliberalism". We will also replace the emergence of social movements in Tamesna in the context of a broader political and social transformation of Morocco.

AbstractUrban research often considers densification from the perspective of sustainable development and social mix. This essay focuses instead on the social and political stakes involved in densification through the example of a large French metropolitan area. It shows that the densification policies put in place in the Lyon agglomeration cannot be said to succeed in breaking down the historical segregation between its residential and affluent western suburbs (banlieues) and its industrial and working‐class eastern ones. The political manoeuvres executed by the institutions implementing densification, and the search for consensus characterizing France's intercommunalities, block any possibility of redistributing functions and social classes at the metropolitan scale, and hence of ending the social specialization of Lyon's suburbs. Moreover, municipalities subjected to pressure from suburban areas carefully assess the profile of residents selected to occupy new housing units—i.e. individuals already residing in the commune in the case of western suburbs, and middle‐class individuals hailing from the eastern part of the agglomeration in the case of eastern suburbs. Densification does not foster social mix at the metropolitan scale, neither does it improve the housing conditions of disadvantaged populations.

Urban research often considers densification from the perspective of sustainable development and social mix. This essay focuses instead on the social and political stakes involved in densification through the example of a large French metropolitan area. It shows that the densification policies put in place in the Lyon agglomeration cannot be said to succeed in breaking down the historical segregation between its residential and affluent western suburbs (banlieues) and its industrial and working-class eastern ones. The political manoeuvres executed by the institutions implementing densification, and the search for consensus characterizing France's intercommunalities, block any possibility of redistributing functions and social classes at the metropolitan scale, and hence of ending the social specialization of Lyon's suburbs. Moreover, municipalities subjected to pressure from suburban areas carefully assess the profile of residents selected to occupy new housing units—i.e. individuals already residing in the commune in the case of western suburbs, and middle-class individuals hailing from the eastern part of the agglomeration in the case of eastern suburbs. Densification does not foster social mix at the metropolitan scale, neither does it improve the housing conditions of disadvantaged populations.

International audience ; Les politiques de gentrification menées actuellement dans de nombreuses villes en déclin en France et au Royaume-Uni constituent un angle d'analyse fécond de la néolibéralisation des politiques urbaines en ce qu'elles contribuent à la restauration d'un « pouvoir de classe », celui des intérêts immobiliers, dans des espaces relativement pauvres. Cet article évoque l'action conjointe de deux grands facteurs pour rendre compte de la généralisation de ce phénomène. A l'échelle nationale, j'évoquerai l'évolution récente du référentiel des politiques urbaines des gouvernements centraux qui privilégient tous deux, bien que pour des motifs différents, la « mixité sociale » comme solution de sortie de la « crise urbaine ». A l'échelle locale, je montrerai ensuite comment les représentations actuelles de la ville post-industrielle permettent de dépolitiser les enjeux du redéveloppement et favorisent l'émergence de coalitions de croissance dont l'action en faveur de la gentrification repose sur des intérêts économiques et politiques bien réels. Dans les villes en déclin, les politiques de gentrification permettent ainsi de prendre la mesure d'une évolution du pouvoir de classe, depuis le capitalisme industriel vers le capitalisme immobilier. Je proposerai enfin de substituer la notion de « stratégies de montée en gamme » à celle de « politiques de gentrification » afin de rendre compte de la modification conséquente du référentiel de l'urbanisation dans de nombreuses villes occidentales en déclin.

International audience ; The current gentrification policies in many shrinking cities in France and the United Kingdom provide a wealth of options for analyzing the neoliberalization of urban policies in what they contribute to the restoration of " class power " , i.e. the power of real estate interests, in relatively poor spaces. This article calls to mind the joint action of two major factors to report on the generalization of this phenomenon. On a national scale, I will touch on the recent evolution of urban policies of the French and UK central governments which both favour " social diversity " as a solution for getting out of the " urban crisis " although for different reasons. On the local scale, I will then show how present representations of the post-industrial city make it possible to depoliticize the redevelopment issues and foster the emergence of growth coalitions whose action in favour of gentrification is based on very real economic and political interests. In shrinking cities, gentrification policies thus make it possible to excavate an evolution of class power, from industrial capitalism toward real estate capitalism. I will finally propose replacing the concept of " gentrification policies " with strategies for " moving upmarket " in order to reflect the subsequent modification of urbanization frameworks in many declining western cities.

International audience ; The current gentrification policies in many shrinking cities in France and the United Kingdom provide a wealth of options for analyzing the neoliberalization of urban policies in what they contribute to the restoration of " class power " , i.e. the power of real estate interests, in relatively poor spaces. This article calls to mind the joint action of two major factors to report on the generalization of this phenomenon. On a national scale, I will touch on the recent evolution of urban policies of the French and UK central governments which both favour " social diversity " as a solution for getting out of the " urban crisis " although for different reasons. On the local scale, I will then show how present representations of the post-industrial city make it possible to depoliticize the redevelopment issues and foster the emergence of growth coalitions whose action in favour of gentrification is based on very real economic and political interests. In shrinking cities, gentrification policies thus make it possible to excavate an evolution of class power, from industrial capitalism toward real estate capitalism. I will finally propose replacing the concept of " gentrification policies " with strategies for " moving upmarket " in order to reflect the subsequent modification of urbanization frameworks in many declining western cities.

International audience ; Les politiques de gentrification menées actuellement dans de nombreuses villes en déclin en France et au Royaume-Uni constituent un angle d'analyse fécond de la néolibéralisation des politiques urbaines en ce qu'elles contribuent à la restauration d'un « pouvoir de classe », celui des intérêts immobiliers, dans des espaces relativement pauvres. Cet article évoque l'action conjointe de deux grands facteurs pour rendre compte de la généralisation de ce phénomène. A l'échelle nationale, j'évoquerai l'évolution récente du référentiel des politiques urbaines des gouvernements centraux qui privilégient tous deux, bien que pour des motifs différents, la « mixité sociale » comme solution de sortie de la « crise urbaine ». A l'échelle locale, je montrerai ensuite comment les représentations actuelles de la ville post-industrielle permettent de dépolitiser les enjeux du redéveloppement et favorisent l'émergence de coalitions de croissance dont l'action en faveur de la gentrification repose sur des intérêts économiques et politiques bien réels. Dans les villes en déclin, les politiques de gentrification permettent ainsi de prendre la mesure d'une évolution du pouvoir de classe, depuis le capitalisme industriel vers le capitalisme immobilier. Je proposerai enfin de substituer la notion de « stratégies de montée en gamme » à celle de « politiques de gentrification » afin de rendre compte de la modification conséquente du référentiel de l'urbanisation dans de nombreuses villes occidentales en déclin.

International audience ; The current gentrification policies in many shrinking cities in France and the United Kingdom provide a wealth of options for analyzing the neoliberalization of urban policies in what they contribute to the restoration of " class power " , i.e. the power of real estate interests, in relatively poor spaces. This article calls to mind the joint action of two major factors to report on the generalization of this phenomenon. On a national scale, I will touch on the recent evolution of urban policies of the French and UK central governments which both favour " social diversity " as a solution for getting out of the " urban crisis " although for different reasons. On the local scale, I will then show how present representations of the post-industrial city make it possible to depoliticize the redevelopment issues and foster the emergence of growth coalitions whose action in favour of gentrification is based on very real economic and political interests. In shrinking cities, gentrification policies thus make it possible to excavate an evolution of class power, from industrial capitalism toward real estate capitalism. I will finally propose replacing the concept of " gentrification policies " with strategies for " moving upmarket " in order to reflect the subsequent modification of urbanization frameworks in many declining western cities.

International audience ; Les politiques de gentrification menées actuellement dans de nombreuses villes en déclin en France et au Royaume-Uni constituent un angle d'analyse fécond de la néolibéralisation des politiques urbaines en ce qu'elles contribuent à la restauration d'un « pouvoir de classe », celui des intérêts immobiliers, dans des espaces relativement pauvres. Cet article évoque l'action conjointe de deux grands facteurs pour rendre compte de la généralisation de ce phénomène. A l'échelle nationale, j'évoquerai l'évolution récente du référentiel des politiques urbaines des gouvernements centraux qui privilégient tous deux, bien que pour des motifs différents, la « mixité sociale » comme solution de sortie de la « crise urbaine ». A l'échelle locale, je montrerai ensuite comment les représentations actuelles de la ville post-industrielle permettent de dépolitiser les enjeux du redéveloppement et favorisent l'émergence de coalitions de croissance dont l'action en faveur de la gentrification repose sur des intérêts économiques et politiques bien réels. Dans les villes en déclin, les politiques de gentrification permettent ainsi de prendre la mesure d'une évolution du pouvoir de classe, depuis le capitalisme industriel vers le capitalisme immobilier. Je proposerai enfin de substituer la notion de « stratégies de montée en gamme » à celle de « politiques de gentrification » afin de rendre compte de la modification conséquente du référentiel de l'urbanisation dans de nombreuses villes occidentales en déclin.

International audience ; The current gentrification policies in many shrinking cities in France and the United Kingdom provide a wealth of options for analyzing the neoliberalization of urban policies in what they contribute to the restoration of " class power " , i.e. the power of real estate interests, in relatively poor spaces. This article calls to mind the joint action of two major factors to report on the generalization of this phenomenon. On a national scale, I will touch on the recent evolution of urban policies of the French and UK central governments which both favour " social diversity " as a solution for getting out of the " urban crisis " although for different reasons. On the local scale, I will then show how present representations of the post-industrial city make it possible to depoliticize the redevelopment issues and foster the emergence of growth coalitions whose action in favour of gentrification is based on very real economic and political interests. In shrinking cities, gentrification policies thus make it possible to excavate an evolution of class power, from industrial capitalism toward real estate capitalism. I will finally propose replacing the concept of " gentrification policies " with strategies for " moving upmarket " in order to reflect the subsequent modification of urbanization frameworks in many declining western cities.

International audience ; Les politiques de gentrification menées actuellement dans de nombreuses villes en déclin en France et au Royaume-Uni constituent un angle d'analyse fécond de la néolibéralisation des politiques urbaines en ce qu'elles contribuent à la restauration d'un « pouvoir de classe », celui des intérêts immobiliers, dans des espaces relativement pauvres. Cet article évoque l'action conjointe de deux grands facteurs pour rendre compte de la généralisation de ce phénomène. A l'échelle nationale, j'évoquerai l'évolution récente du référentiel des politiques urbaines des gouvernements centraux qui privilégient tous deux, bien que pour des motifs différents, la « mixité sociale » comme solution de sortie de la « crise urbaine ». A l'échelle locale, je montrerai ensuite comment les représentations actuelles de la ville post-industrielle permettent de dépolitiser les enjeux du redéveloppement et favorisent l'émergence de coalitions de croissance dont l'action en faveur de la gentrification repose sur des intérêts économiques et politiques bien réels. Dans les villes en déclin, les politiques de gentrification permettent ainsi de prendre la mesure d'une évolution du pouvoir de classe, depuis le capitalisme industriel vers le capitalisme immobilier. Je proposerai enfin de substituer la notion de « stratégies de montée en gamme » à celle de « politiques de gentrification » afin de rendre compte de la modification conséquente du référentiel de l'urbanisation dans de nombreuses villes occidentales en déclin.