Suchergebnisse

International relations has systematically theorized the causes and dynamics of violent internal conflicts since the last quarter of the nineteenth century. India has internally grappled with internal ethnic turmoil since the immediate post-independence era. It has historically both used, and justified the use of, armed forces to tackle insurgencies as existential threats to national security. As India marches ahead to emerge as a major global power, these conflict zones jettison India's domestic stability and democratic credentials, and also render tense relations with immediate neighbours in South Asia. Insurgent activity of the Nagas in India's northeast, which has continued for over 60 years now, is also India's first experiment in armed intervention and counter-insurgency. Establishing a causal link between securitization theory postulated by the Copenhagen School of Security Studies and internal ethnic conflicts, the paper examines the state securitization of the Naga crisis, delineating its causes and conditions. The Naga discourse of resisting assimilation into the Indian state based on ethnic origins and geographical isolation, and its gradual fragmentation into moderates and radicals are highlighted. The paper also audits the state securitization of the Naga crisis by examining the political realities of the 1990s, dynamics and consequences of the indefinite ceasefire, and critical reflections of the civil society members who demand inclusion in the ongoing peace process as stakeholders.

The theory of securitization postulates the remit of post-political, military action to quell an existential threat in International Relations. Pluralist democracies like India have used armed forces to tackle internal situations of ethnic conflict and legitimized it by deeming the conflict as a threat to national security. But ongoing domestic turmoil proves that armed confrontation between the state and its aggrieved communities has only succeeded in prolonging the dynamics of the conflict, rather than their comprehensive resolution. The present article takes a cue from this reality of insecurity. It seeks to theoretically link internal ethnic conflicts (which are perceived to threaten state survival) and their securitization, in the light of an actual conflict situation. The crisis in Punjab that embroiled India for a decade and met with a heavy military response of the state forms the case study. Analyzing the state response to the Punjab ethnic crisis from the securitization prism is a hitherto unexplored theoretical enterprise. The article undertakes this task. Also, securitization lends us the theoretical props to identify certain junctures and movements in the state-factional group/ethnic community interactions in the course of the crisis. The case study provides the empirical evidence which can inform securitization theory, and test its dynamics and efficacy.

Anuradha Bose (Das), ed., SAARC A Quest for Unity: Problems and Prospects. Kolkata: Minerva Associates (Publications), 2011, In Association with Nabagram Hiralal Paul College, Political Science Department, Hoogly, pp. 112. Rs 175/$ 6.00.

AbstractThe success of India's democracy hinges on the pivotal role played by its auxiliary institutions in negotiating major challenges through slow and persistent transformation. However, an objective audit of the performance of these institutions in the recent past would indicate a decline in operations and an acute crisis of corruption. Key institutions responsible for governance – Parliament, civil services, judiciary, the Election Commission, the Central Bureau of Investigation, the Central Vigilance Commission, and the Comptroller and Auditor General – have been put under the spotlight by an alert and mobilized civil society, urging immediate measures for ensuring their operational efficiency and integrity. This essay undertakes a critical examination of the present performance and efficiency of major democratic institutions in India, in the light of their prescribed roles and the malaise of corruption that plagues them. It argues that in order to articulate a comprehensive institutional response to the problem, relevant measures of political reform and constant vigil by civil society would prove crucial. The article is divided into six sections; first, a brief outline of the structure and changing nature of the institutional political set-up in India is provided; the second section examines the existing literature on 'corruption', and the third section highlights the increasing incidence of corruption in India at various politico-administrative tiers. The fourth section delineates the inception and role of anti-corruption institutions in India, signifying the early response to corruption. The fifth section critically reviews the theoretical and statistical evidence of performance-decline in the major institutions at present and gauges the potency of corruption; the sixth section explores the existing and prospective institutional responses for tackling corruption and the final section presents concluding observations.