Suchergebnisse

Throughout the twentieth century, the treatment of religion in the social sciences had been heavily shaped by the premises of modernization theory. This theory was responsible for the development of two concepts—the secularization thesis and the traditional school of civil society—which deny any space for religious content and actors in the public and political spheres. Both concepts rely on the exceptional experience of the west and share deterministic, static and essentially pessimistic assumptions regarding the ability of religion and the state to mutually coexist in democratic settings. In view of the above Israel's treatment of religion stands out. Israel challenged the premises of the secularization thesis and instead granted a significant official role to religious contents and actors in the state. Contrary to common beliefs, this research demonstrates that Israel's policy resulted in mainly positive consequences and contributed to the stabilization of its democratic regime. Furthermore, Israel's inclusive policy on religion proved successful in containing and isolating mounting religious challenges to the state in recent decades and in securing the stability of the democratic regime. Israel's account reveals two important lessons about the nature of the state-religion relationship. First, it offers a dynamic and mutually constitutive perception of the relationship between the state and religion. Second, it advocates development of a case-sensitive approach toward religion, depending on specific social, historical, and cultural attributes. These lessons might prove highly relevant for post Arab spring societies in transition.

Why do some newly formed regimes incorporate religion in various dimensions of public affairs, while others relegate religious actors and content to the private sphere? This article offers an explanatory model with four key components that together determine the status of religion in newborn political regimes: (1) the pervasiveness of religion in the old order; (2) the overlap among different ingredients of national-identity; (3) the constraints of demographic realities; and (4) the period before and during the formation of the new regime as critical juncture. The model is applied and tested in the cases of Israel and Turkey, which in many respects represent opposite trends -- accommodation and marginalization, respectively -- that produced broad and long-term consequences for their respective political regimes. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractWhy do some newly formed regimes incorporate religion in various dimensions of public affairs, while others relegate religious actors and content to the private sphere? This article offers an explanatory model with four key components that together determine the status of religion in newborn political regimes: (1) the pervasiveness of religion in the old order; (2) the overlap among different ingredients of national‐identity; (3) the constraints of demographic realities; and (4) the period before and during the formation of the new regime as critical juncture. The model is applied and tested in the cases ofIsrael andTurkey, which in many respects represent opposite trends – accommodation and marginalization, respectively – that produced broad and long‐term consequences for their respective political regimes.

AbstractThis article's main argument complements the literature on transitions to democracy by focusing on the long-term process of political- elite formation and its influence on the ability of political elites to lead a peaceful and stable transition to democracy. By comparing the case of Israel before independence and the case of Palestine before the establishment of the Palestinian Authority, this article suggests that gradual political-elite formation from within the domestic population is likely to achieve better democratic results than a political- elite formation in exile, without close ties to the domestic population, that is 'parachuted' on the population when the political entity is formed.

Introduction : Israel and Turkey in comparative perspective / Yusuf Sarfati and Aviad Rubin -- Contesting the religious in a (secular) democracy : a comparative assessment of the theoretical, judicial, and political approaches to the public role of religion / Sultan Tepe -- Political mobilization through religious schooling : a comparison of Ma'ayan schools in Israel and Imam Hatip schools in Turkey / Yusuf Sarfati -- Challenges to the religious-political establishment : the cases of anticapitalist Muslims in Turkey and women of the wall in Israel / Gözde Erdeniz -- Comparative trajectories of the women's movement in Israel and Turkey : transforming policy and agendas in divided societies / Canan Aslan Akman -- Dominant vs. hegemonic tendencies as critical features in Israel's and Turkey's political cultures / Aviad Rubin -- Elections 2015 : Israel and Turkey-the joint list and the HDP / Louis Fishman -- Marriage regulation in Israel and Turkey : the interplay between institutional dynamics and public preferences / Niva Golan-Nadir -- On the margins of social citizenship : Turkish women in Germany and Palestinian women in Israel / Inna Michaeli.