Suchergebnisse

The paper is devoted to the conclusions of an empirical research that was carried out by the authors for sys-tematization of the most common strategies of representation of the topic of graffiti in contemporary urban vir-tual communities. Communication in urban virtual communities is considered by the authors as one of the most important variables that influence both the awareness of contemporary citizens about various phenome-na of urban life, and the modality of their attitude towards these phenomena. Using the data of their own empir-ical research, the authors strive to identify and systematize specific strategies, that appear in urban virtual communities when reflecting the controversial topic of graffiti. The analysis allows the authors to identify the three most common strategies for representing this phenomenon in urban virtual communities: information, conceptualization, and marginalization. The remarkable thing is that these strategies characterize different trends in the way graffiti is presented in the Internet environment limited to a certain urban space, but they form the mainstream of this process.

Authors interpret the results achieved by analyzing the content of Russian political parties' manifestos that managed to enter the State Duma after 2011 and 2016 elections. Our conceptual framework is based on Immanuel Wallerstein's assumption that only three ideologies—liberalism, conservatism and socialism — were the key ones to 20 th century experience and, hence, that any particular ideology might be reduced to that list. Firstly, we build a matrix of content analysis to analyze texts of officially published political parties' programs. As a result we could show that values at the core of any program at any stage were hybrid in nature and that there was increase in liberal rhetoric in 2016. Further we interpret the empirical results by applying both classical (M. Seliger) and modern (J. Schwartzmantel) models of ideology. By using Seliger's conception of ideology we demonstrate that our political parties choose not to defend the coherent value core of their programs in order to fulfill 'technical' task of generating sufficient electoral support. Schwartzmantel's idea that neo-liberalism as a "classical" state-oriented ideology is attacked by a plenty of non-classical, network-organized ideologies nowadays does not fit our reality, because there is no. pronounced opposition between neo-liberal and critical political discourses. Thus, we argue there is no. normative foundation either for conflict or concord among ideological projects and, moreover, that ideological struggle on the Russian political arena has left classical political domain. It requires social sciences to renew its methodological implements for analyzing ideology properly, while philosophy faces with self-description challenge.