Suchergebnisse

A number of NGOs across the world currently develop digital tools to increase citizen interaction with official information. The successful operation of such tools depends on the expertise and efficiency of the NGO, and the willingness of institutions to disclose suitable information and data. It is this institutional interaction with civic technology that this study examines. The research explores empirical interview data gathered from government officials, public servants, campaigners and NGO's involved in the development and implementation of civic technologies in Chile, Argentina and Mexico. The findings identify the impact these technologies have had upon government bureaucracy, and the existing barriers to openness created by institutionalised behaviours and norms. Institutionalised attitudes to information rights and conventions are shown to inform the approach that government bureaucracy takes in the provision of information, and institutionalised procedural behaviour is shown to be a factor in frustrating NGOs attempting to implement civic technology.

U ovom se radu istražuje mogu li "građanske tehnologije" (tehnologije koje potiču aktivno građanstvo) na efikasan način razvijati političku učinkovitost građana i mijenjati njihovu percepciju odgovornosti vlade. Anketirani su korisnici "građanskih tehnologija" na mrežnim stranicama iz SAD-a, UK-a, Kenije i Južnoafričke Republike. Temeljno je pitanje bilo jesu li određene građanske akcije nadzora, koje je moguće provesti putem tih mrežnih stranica, utjecale na promjenu mišljenja građana o tome reagiraju li vlade na građanski nadzor. Rezultati ukazuju na poboljšanu građansku učinkovitost, kao i na povećanu percepciju odgovornosti vlade. Između korisnika "građanskih tehnologija" koji dolaze iz proučavanih zemalja uočene su značajne demografske razlike koje su povezane sa širokim spektrom načina na koje građani koriste informacijske i komunikacijske tehnologije (IKT). Ipak, svima im je zajedničko povjerenje u učinkovitost tih tehnologija. Rezultati upućuju na to da objavljivanje i građanski nadzor vladinih informacija putem "građanskih tehnologija" povećavaju osjećaj vanjske učinkovitosti i percepciju odgovornosti vlade, kako u razvijenim zemljama tako i u zemljama u razvoju. ; This article examines whether civic technologies deliver an effective technique for developing the political efficacy of citizens and altering their perceived accountability of governments. Employing a survey-based methodology, a quantitative analysis was performed on the users of civic technology sites in the USA, UK, Kenya and South Africa. The primary question posed is whether the specific citizen monitoring actions facilitated by these sites cause a related effect in altering the extent to which citizens believe that governments are responsive to citizen-audit. The results indicate an enhancement in citizen efficacy and perceptions of government accountability. Notable differences detected in the user demographics between the countries studied demonstrate a wide spectrum of citizen usage; however, with common confidence displayed by respondents in the efficacy of the ICT. The findings indicate that the publication and citizen-audit of government information through civic technologies in developed and developing countries increases feelings of external efficacy and perceived government accountability.

A number of NGOs across the world currently develop digital tools to increase citizen interaction with official information. The successful operation of such tools depends on the expertise and efficiency of the NGO, and the willingness of institutions to disclose suitable information and data. It is this institutional interaction with civic technology that this study examines. The research explores empirical interview data gathered from government officials, public servants, campaigners and NGO's involved in the development and implementation of civic technologies in Chile, Argentina and Mexico. The findings identify the impact these technologies have had upon government bureaucracy, and the existing barriers to openness created by institutionalised behaviours and norms. Institutionalised attitudes to information rights and conventions are shown to inform the approach that government bureaucracy takes in the provision of information, and institutionalised procedural behaviour is shown to be a factor in frustrating NGOs attempting to implement civic technology.

Part 7: E-Government and Smart Cities ; International audience ; This paper examines whether civic technology ICTs provide an effective method for enhancing the political efficacy of citizens and their perceived accountability of governments. Using a survey-based methodology, a quantitative analysis was conducted of the users of civic action sites in the UK, Kenya, South Africa and USA. The key question examined is whether the particularized or citizen-audit actions that these sites facilitate have a spill-over effect in altering the level to which citizens believe they are able to hold government to account. The results suggest that citizen efficacy and perceptions of government accountability are enhanced. Stark differences in user demographics between territories demonstrate a wide spectrum of civic technology usage, however, with common confidence in the efficacy of the ICT. The findings suggest that publication and user-facilitation of government information through the medium of civic technology in developed and developing countries increases feelings of external efficacy and government accountability.

Women's presence in politics has been much scrutinised, with emphasis primarily on electoral politics. There has been less scrutiny of those contributing to politics in a non-electoral capacity and the characteristics of such groups. The fledgling Welsh legislature has demonstrated high electoral engagement of women, and this article asks whether this electoral gender balance is mirrored in non-electoral engagement with the wider demos. The empirical evidence presented demonstrates that the representation of women in elected positions is not mirrored in the representation of women in the provision of oral evidence. This poses legitimate questions concerning the quality of Welsh democratic engagement.

Three devolved bodies in the UK (the Scottish Parliament, the National Assembly for Wales and the London Assembly) use Multi Member Proportional Representation electoral systems. These bodies have two groups of representatives, regional and constituency, elected through different methods. Using a survey of members of the public who contacted their representative, constituency representatives are shown to have a higher response rate across all three bodies, and this effect is isolatable from the role of being a government party. In Scotland, this effect is demonstrable when comparing the behaviour of the same people holding different roles, suggesting that individuals adapt their behaviour to the expectations of the role.