In the Caucasus, peacekeeping is not what it pretends to be: it is an imitation of genuine peacekeeping and a threat to strategic stability not only in the zones of armed conflicts, but also throughout the region as a whole. Not infrequently, analysts and politicians attach the wrong tags to the existing conflicts and use the wrong descriptions. This ends in intentionally or unintentionally warped peacekeeping that sucks in billions of dollars to no visible effect. Here I have introduced two concepts: pseudo conflict and quasi peacekeeping. As distinct from other experts, I discuss four parallel processes: Conflict, Pseudo Conflict, Peacekeeping, Quasi Peacekeeping. There are no international institutions that offer adequate and reliable assessments of the problems obvious in the conflict/peacekeeping sphere or of the processes unfolding in connection with these problems. I suggest that the international community set up an Integrated System of Diagnostics and Assessment of Conflicts, Pseudo Conflicts, Peacekeeping, and Quasi Peacekeeping (ISDA).
This article is part of a research conducted as part of the Support Program for Doctoral Studies of Shota Rustaveli Georgian National Science Foundation.Name of the research – "Interdisciplinary analysis of the complex system of the Abkhazian conflict by the method 4D-RAV-17 (grant number – PHDF–18–1147).As part of the study, the task was to assess those political technologies that were not used in the process of resolving the Abkhazian conflict. The study identified that such a peacemaking resource as the recognition by the conflicting parties of "common threats" and the consolidation of common efforts to prevent or eliminate them, was not used to an adequate extent. Based on this, the Concept of Awareness of the Common Threat System (CACTS) were formulated and presented as a methodological basis for reinforcing the Security Community Theory created by Karl Deutsch.CACTS was described in the article "Abkhazian crisis: from the Concept of Awareness of Common Threats to the Building of an "Abkhazian Security Community"" published in the Scientific and Theoretical Almanac "Grani", Volume 23 №3, 2020.As a basis for creating an initial level of trust between the parties to the conflict, we take their policy of recognizing the system of common threats and identifying ourselves (and each other) with possible victims of these threats. The level of trust can grow as both parties gain satisfaction from the process of cooperation.In this article, which is the second of a series of articles devoted to the recognition of common threats and the construction of a security community by the parties to the conflict, we present one of the practical possibilities for strengthening the modeling process of a new multidimensional peacemaking format.In particular, this is the development of cooperation between the participants in the Abkhazian political crisis to reduce nuclear and radioactive threats. The research drew attention not only to physical, but also to psychological dangers posed by nuclear and radiation threats. Based on the analysis, a number of specific initiatives were identified for the possible development of cooperation between participants in the multidimensional Abkhazian political crisis.Particular attention in the article is paid to the role of scientific diplomacy in the positive transformation of the crisis and the integration into the peacemaking process representatives of natural sciences, in particular physicists, power engineers and ecologists.As one of the resources of the peace process, the prospects of cooperation between civil society institutions expressing the interests of victims of nuclear and radiation disasters from different sides of the conflict community are considered.The article focuses on the creation of common approaches on energy policy for the countries of the Caucasus region, especially, regarding nuclear energy. Despite the fact that the initiative is aimed at resolving the Abkhazian conflict, the measures to bring the parties closer, presented in the framework of this project, could positively affect the development of the level of trust in other conflicts of the post-Soviet space.The work is based on a holistic approach, which involves revising the reductionist approach that dominates the scientific and political discourses, distorting the real picture of the conflict and reducing its image to the quasi-scientific concept of the "Abkhaz-Georgian" resolution. Our vision of the complex and multidimensional structure of the Abkhazian political crisis is given in the first article of the mentioned cycle.The structure of this article consists of three main parts.The first part of the article is an introduction, which presents the idea of anti-nuclear and anti-radiation consolidation of participants in the Abkhazian political crisis on the basis of the Concept of Awareness of the Common Threat System (CACTS) and the concept of Karl Deutsch, adapted for the Abkhazian Security Community (ASB). One of the CACTS subsystems (in this article) is nuclear, radiation, and related to them information-psychological threats.The second part of the article presents an analysis of the situation associated with nuclear, radiation, information and psychological threats. This analysis aims to demonstrate the importance of the topic under consideration and the variety of real threats.Nuclear threats. The authors divide them into threats of a military nature, as well as threats associated with the construction, operation, conservation and liquidation of reactors and other nuclear facilities.Radiation threats. Statistics of incidents related to illegal operations in the transportation/sale of radiation/radioactive substances based on open sources are proposed. Examples of threats associated with the illicit trade of irradiated food products are given.Information and psychological threats. When considering information and psychological threats related to nuclear and radiation threats, special attention is paid to such a question as hiding of reliable information from citizens or manipulating information, which is the basis for the formation of distrust towards one's own state and the psychosomatic problems arising from this.The third part of the article offers a model of a fragment of the peacemaking process to resolve the Abkhazian political crisis, in which a component is involved that includes a discussion of (CACTS) on nuclear and radiation safety and the construction of the Abkhazian Security Community as a subsystem of the Caucasian and Black Sea-Caspian Sea Security Community.
This article is part of a research conducted as part of the Support Program for Doctoral Studies of Shota Rustaveli Georgian National Science Foundation.This article is part of a research conducted as part of the Support Program for Doctoral Studies of Shota Rustaveli Georgian National Science Foundation.Name of the research – "Interdisciplinary analysis of the complex system of the Abkhazian conflict by the method 4D-RAV-17" (grant number – PHDF‐18‐1147). The method is a combination of well-known and innovative approaches and techniques. This article is part of the abovementioned research. The complex system of the Abkhazian conflict in this article received a conditional definition – the Abkhazian crisis. The political component of the complex system is accordingly called the Abkhazian political crisis and is the main object of research in the framework of the article.The article is aimed at solving a specific scientific and applied task – at determining a scientifically based method for the positive transformation of the Abkhazian political crisis and the transition to a new level of political order – to the Abkhazian security community.The article considers the possibility of carrying out work on the development and implementation of a new, alternative to the existing, peacemaking process, which can be based on the policy of the transition of the Abkhazian political crisis to a new political order.Consecutive transition tools are the following:• building a model of the structure of the Abkhazian political crisis;• The concept of awareness of common threats;• The concept of the Abkhazian security community.The work can be attributed to the following studies: Abkhazian Studies; Conflicts and Peace Studies, Crisis Studies, Security Studies, Political Studies and International Studies.The practical significance of the work and novelty. As a result of a reflective analysis of the past and existing political and scientific discourse, the absence of holistic research and the dominance of reductionism in the perception and description of the Abkhazian crisis and individual conflicts – its components - were first shown. In scientific works, a mostly complex and multi-component conflict is taken down to a hybrid and scientifically unreasonable formulation – "Georgian-Abkhazian" conflict. This wording also dominates in political discourse and even in international documents.As a result of a thoroughful analysis and synthesis of the information received, for the first time a brief and conditional definition was given to the complex system of the Abkhazian conflict – "Abkhazian crisis".As a result of this research, for the first time, at a scientific level, security threats are considered as a resource for peacemaking and the Concept of awareness of common threats is formulated.Also, for the first time (in the case of the Abkhazian crisis), the well-known Theory of the Security Community for International Relations of Karl Deutsch was proposed. It was adapted to the specifics of this conflict, not only related to the dimension of international relations. The political component of the crisis was classified in the research and a model of the Abkhazian political crisis was proposed, which includes both the domestic and international components of the crisis. The presented definition – "mixed conflict" theoretically resolved the conflict between supporters to define this conflict as "internal, local" and those who consider it "international". This is a useful solution for other political conflicts of the post-Soviet Union space, in particular, for the "Donbas crisis".From a theoretical and practical points of view, attention was drawn to the fact that Security Studies are considered a subsystem of studies in the field of International Studies, which does not allow the effective use of existing scientific achievements in these fields for mixed conflicts.The article proposes specific innovative ideas for implementing these approaches and techniques. This article proposes solutions to the problems of increasing the effectiveness of the peacemaking process. The task itself has an innovative character, since basically researches conducted earlier in this area (around the Abkhazian conflict) is more focused on the Conflicts Studies, rather than Peace Studies. In particular, this concerns the lack of research aimed at studying the effectiveness of peacemaking processes.As a result of formalization of the results obtained, the article presents new political concepts – neologisms, which until now have not been used (or not sufficiently used) in relation to this issue. Among them the following may be outlined: "Abkhazian crisis"; "Mixed conflict", "secessionists of Abkhazia"; "unionists of Abkhazia"; "irredentists of Abkhazia"; "Internationalization of the peacemaking process"; "legitimacy of peacemaking formats"; "democratization of the negotiation process"; "Abkhazian Security Community".As a result of the conducted work, an algorithm of stage-by-stage actions is presented, which can lead to a way out of the crisis and a transition to a new level of management culture and political order. It also provides specific practical recommendations that can be used by the participants in the process.Research on improvement of this model is ongoing, the following articles are being prepared, and negotiations are conducted on implementation with representatives of the participating parties at the expert and political levels.This research may be useful for those interested in the Abkhazian issue, as well as for adapting and using the approaches and techniques described in this article to improve the quality of peacemaking processes to resolve other conflicts and crises.
p. 173-190 ; Abstract in Polish and English. ; The article analyzes "monuments of sorrow" in Georgian conflicts. The work presents a general description of the situation revealing the main trend, in which monuments are intended to deepen the dividing lines in societies affected by conflict. This practice occupies an important place in the formation of stereotypes of behavior in the periods immediately before, during, and after the conflict. At the same time, the article emphasises the potential of "monuments of sorrow" as elements of peacebuilding. ; s. 173-190 ; Abstrakt w języku polskim i angielskim. ; Artykuł analizuje "pomniki smutku" w konfliktach gruzińskich. Przedstawiono ogólny opis sytuacji ukazujący główny trend, w którym pomniki pogłębiają granice między społeczeństwami dotkniętymi konfliktami. Zajmuje to ważne miejsce w tworzeniu stereotypów zachowań w okresach przedkonfliktowych, konfliktowych i pokonfliktowych. Jednocześnie pokazano potencjał "pomników smutku" jako elementów budowania pokoju.
Artykuł analizuje "pomniki smutku" w konfliktach gruzińskich. Przedstawiono ogólny opis sytuacji ukazujący główny trend, w którym pomniki pogłębiają granice między społeczeństwami dotkniętymi konfliktami. Zajmuje to ważne miejsce w tworzeniu stereotypów zachowań w okresach przedkonfliktowych, konfliktowych i pokonfliktowych. Jednocześnie pokazano potencjał "pomników smutku" jako elementów budowania pokoju. The article analyzes "monuments of sorrow" in Georgian conflicts. The work presents a general description of the situation revealing the main trend, in which monuments are intended to deepen the dividing lines in societies affected by conflict. This practice occupies an important place in the formation of stereotypes of behavior in the periods immediately before, during, and after the conflict. At the same time, the article emphasises the potential of "monuments of sorrow" as elements of peacebuilding. ; Artykuł analizuje "pomniki smutku" w konfliktach gruzińskich. Przedstawiono ogólny opis sytuacji ukazujący główny trend, w którym pomniki pogłębiają granice między społeczeństwami dotkniętymi konfliktami. Zajmuje to ważne miejsce w tworzeniu stereotypów zachowań w okresach przedkonfliktowych, konfliktowych i pokonfliktowych. Jednocześnie pokazano potencjał "pomników smutku" jako elementów budowania pokoju. The article analyzes "monuments of sorrow" in Georgian conflicts. The work presents a general description of the situation revealing the main trend, in which monuments are intended to deepen the dividing lines in societies affected by conflict. This practice occupies an important place in the formation of stereotypes of behavior in the periods immediately before, during, and after the conflict. At the same time, the article emphasises the potential of "monuments of sorrow" as elements of peacebuilding.
Artykuł analizuje "pomniki smutku" w konfliktach gruzińskich. Przedstawiono ogólny opis sytuacji ukazujący główny trend, w którym pomniki pogłębiają granice między społeczeństwami dotkniętymi konfliktami. Zajmuje to ważne miejsce w tworzeniu stereotypów zachowań w okresach przedkonfliktowych, konfliktowych i pokonfliktowych. Jednocześnie pokazano potencjał "pomników smutku" jako elementów budowania pokoju. The article analyzes "monuments of sorrow" in Georgian conflicts. The work presents a general description of the situation revealing the main trend, in which monuments are intended to deepen the dividing lines in societies affected by conflict. This practice occupies an important place in the formation of stereotypes of behavior in the periods immediately before, during, and after the conflict. At the same time, the article emphasises the potential of "monuments of sorrow" as elements of peacebuilding. ; Artykuł analizuje "pomniki smutku" w konfliktach gruzińskich. Przedstawiono ogólny opis sytuacji ukazujący główny trend, w którym pomniki pogłębiają granice między społeczeństwami dotkniętymi konfliktami. Zajmuje to ważne miejsce w tworzeniu stereotypów zachowań w okresach przedkonfliktowych, konfliktowych i pokonfliktowych. Jednocześnie pokazano potencjał "pomników smutku" jako elementów budowania pokoju. The article analyzes "monuments of sorrow" in Georgian conflicts. The work presents a general description of the situation revealing the main trend, in which monuments are intended to deepen the dividing lines in societies affected by conflict. This practice occupies an important place in the formation of stereotypes of behavior in the periods immediately before, during, and after the conflict. At the same time, the article emphasises the potential of "monuments of sorrow" as elements of peacebuilding.
Using the method of observation and analysis of official documents, the article explores the influence of the digital creative class on traditional state institutions, which ultimately leads to metacognitive changes in the digitized consciousness of society. Currently, state institutions face challenges in the digital age, such as the «information bubble,» irrational and emotional user choices, and competition for attention based on impressions, «likes,» and diverse opinions. Artificial intelligence technologies have influenced various industries and public administration, causing a shift from traditional interaction to virtual formats with state institutions. An example of this transformation is the Ukrainian online service DIIA, which offers document circulation, access to open records, identification and identity confirmation, and data tracking and analysis systems. It is concluded that, the interaction between public administration and digitization processes falls into four main categories: as a prototype of complement, reinforcement of the «exoskeleton», connection and blending of solutions in human-AI interaction, and delegation or replacement of human decision-making by AI.