Suchergebnisse

Abstract
As toponymic means of inscribing urban space, street names have been addressed mainly by human geographers, who have articulated the field of critical place-name studies. In this paper, I continue the endeavor started in the previous issue published in Social Change Review of reading street names through sociological lenses. Whereas in the first part of this two-part contribution the analysis was made from functionalist and conflictualist perspectives, this second and final part employs social constructionism and the utilitarian theoretical tradition in making sociological sense of street nomenclatures. First, conceiving of street names as forming discursively constructed linguistic landscapes, the paper shows how urban namescapes – the "city-text" – are written, erased, and rewritten to reflect the shifting political powers. Second, the paper examines the neoliberal processes of place branding and toponymic commodification by which street names are turned into sought-after urban commodities with transactional value on the real estate market. The paper concludes by inviting sociologists to join the conversation on street names, which should become an important topic of sociological reflection.

Extant scholarship on football stadium names is almost exclusively restricted to discussing naming rights deals as expressions of toponymic commodification. Departing from this rather strict focus, this paper sets out to examine the patterns of stadium names from a quantitative perspective that is based on a dataset comprising football stadiums from around the world ( n=1485). Drawing on this empirical material, the paper conducts a multinomial logistic regression analysis focused on determining the factors that influence a stadium's name as: (a) being neutral (names carrying generic, local and/or descriptive connotations); (b) being political (names celebrating ideological values, historical dates and/or political personalities); (c) representing sports figures (names commemorating sportspersons, either former players or club officials); and (d) representing sponsorship (corporate names). The model points out that variations in stadium names are accounted for mostly by the football continental confederation, but are also influenced by a stadium's features such as capacity, year of construction and the status of being a shared venue or designated as the national stadium.

Abstract
Street names are mundane spatial markers that besides providing a sense of orientation inscribe onto the landscape the ideological ethos and political symbols of hegemonic discourses. This review article takes stock of the existing scholarship done on the politics of street naming practices in human (political, cultural, and social) geography and rethinks these insights from sociological perspectives. Drawing on Randall Collins' taxonomy of sociological theory, the paper interprets urban street nomenclatures along functionalist, conflictualist, constructionist, and utilitarian lines. The analysis is delivered in two installments: Part I addresses urban nomenclatures from functionalist and conflictualist perspectives, while Part II (published in the next issue of this journal) approaches street names as social constructions and examines their utilitarian value. In doing so, the paper advances the argument that urban namescapes in general and street names in particular should make an important object of sociological reflection and empirical analysis. It is one of the key arguments developed in this paper that toponymy encapsulates broader and intersecting issues of power, memory, identity, language, and space which can be rendered visible through sociological analysis.

AbstractThe cult of death and the celebration of martyrdom lay at the core of interwar fascist movements across the European continent. However, it was in the Romanian Legionary Movement (also known as the Iron Guard) that these were articulated into a full-fledged ideology of thanatic ultranationalism. In this article, I examine the spectacular fascist necropolitics staged as state-sponsored funeral performances during the short-lived National Legionary State (September 14, 1940–February 14, 1941). A detailed description of the massive campaign of exhumations and reburials of the so-called "legionary martyrs" carried out during this short time span, culminating with the grandiose ceremony organized for the reburial of Corneliu Zelea Codreanu on November 30, 1940, provides insight into the legionary thanatic worldview and ritual praxis. It also sheds light on the movement's politics of commemoration, death, and afterlife and shows how these were embedded into a religious framework underpinned by theological concepts such as heroic martyrdom, vicarious atonement, and collective redemption.

Este artículo tiene como objetivo examinar los modelos de feminidad fascista respaldados por el Estado Legionario Nacional rumano. Consiste en un análisis cuantitativo de contenido realizado sobre artículos publicados en el periódico oficial del régimen, Cuvântul, en una columna permanente dirigida a las mujeres. Los resultados señalan la prevalencia del modelo tradicional de "feminidad doméstica" sobre el modelo masculinizado de "feminidad guerrera". Este enfoque cuantitativo basado en el análisis de contenido se complementa con un enfoque cualitativo basado en un análisis visual de la representación de las mujeres en la prensa impresa de la Legión. Los anuncios visuales, la publicidad de productos con mujeres y otras representaciones de figuras femeninas revelan un tercer tipo de feminidad heterodoxa que sugerimos llamar "Chic legionaria". Con base en estos hallazgos, el estudio concluye señalando la heterogeneidad de la política de feminidad del Estado Nacional Legionario. ; This paper aims at discerning the models of fascist femininity endorsed by the Romanian National Legionary State. It consists in a quantitative content analysis performed on articles published in the regime's official newspaper, Cuvântul, in a permanent column addressed to women. The findings point out the prevalence of the traditional model of "domestic womanhood" over the masculinized model of "warrior femalehood." This quantitative approach grounded on content analysis is complemented by a qualitative approach based on a visual analysis of women's depiction in the Legion's printed press. Visual commercials, product advertising featuring women and other depictions of female figures reveal a third, heterodox, type of womanhood that we suggest calling "Legionary chic." Based on these findings, the study concludes by pointing out the heterogeneity of the National Legionary State's politics of womanhood.

Abstract
The paper examines the introduction of civic education in post-communist Romania as an educational means of civilising in a democratic ethos the children of the transition. Particularly close analytical attention is paid to a) the political context that shaped the decision to introduce civic education, b) the radical changes in both content and end purpose of civics brought about by educational policies adopted for accelerating the country's efforts of integrating into the Euro-Atlantic structures (NATO and the European Union), and c) the actual consequences that these educational policies betting on civics have had on the civic values expressed by Romanian teenagers. The analysis rests on an extensive sample of schoolbooks and curricula of civic education, civic culture, and national history used in primary and secondary education between 1992 (when civics was first introduced) and 2007 (when Romania joined the EU). Drawing on critical discourse analysis, the paper argues that a major discursive shift had taken place between 1999 and 2006, propelled by Romania's accelerated efforts to join the EU. Set in motion by the new National Curriculum of 1998, the content of civics textbooks went through a dramatic change from a nationalist ethos towards a Europeanist orientation. The paper identifies and explores the consequences of a substantial shift from a heroic paradigm of celebrating the nation's identity and monumentalised past towards a reflexive post-heroic model of celebrating the country's European vocation.

Building on the basic premise that the attempt to create a New Man was one of fascism's master-ideas, this article focuses on the feminine underside of this program of political anthropogenesis. The article centers on the image of the New Woman and the politics of womanhood within the Romanian Legionary movement. It argues that the Legion's trademark rhetoric of martial heroism and martyrdom led to an essential tension between a virile model of womanhood (patterned upon the masculine ideal type of the martyr-hero) and a more conservative domestic model. A third, reconciliatory hybrid model, which mixed features borrowed from the two antagonistic types of Legionary womanhood was eventually developed to defuse this tension.

Abstract
This article proposes an evolutionary model of collective memory built on the concept of mnemonic revolution. It tries to go beyond the apparently mutual exclusive theories existing in sociological literature by integrating them into a comprehensive conceptualization. The first part of the study begins with the presentation of competing theories of collective memory developed over time. The second step presents the theoretical formula resulting from the adoption of a broader time frame (longue durée). This formula also takes into consideration the introduction of the concepts of mnemonic revolution and mnemonic reform. Mnemonic revolution is defined as a major break occurred in the structure of collective memory, which succeeds in a sociopolitical revolution, whereby the entire representation of the past is abandoned and the social labor of constructing a new retrospective vision of the past is initiated. Mnemonic reform includes the adjustable changes and the superficial reconfiguration through which the general image of the past that is incorporated into the collective memory is slightly calibrated depending on the evolution of the social system. The final part presents in a synthetic manner the way in which I sought the empirical validation of the notions developed in order to capture the dynamics of collective memory.