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Previous scholars and writers have either celebrated the idealism in Plato's Laws or denounced its totalitarianism. Ryan K. Balot, by contrast, refuses to interpret the dialogue as a political blueprint, whether admirable or misguided. Instead, he shows that it constitutes Plato's greatest philosophical investigation of political life. In this transformative re-appraisal, Balot reveals that Plato's goal was to cultivate a tragic attitude toward our political passions, commitments, and aspirations.

The Southern Dead and the Moment -- The Churchyard -- African Burial Grounds -- The New Burying Ground -- Grounds for the Free People of Color and the Enslaved -- Hebrew Cemeteries -- Confederate Cemeteries -- National CemeteriesC -- Post-Emancipation Uplift Cemeteries.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Preface and Acknowledgments -- Abbreviations -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Greed in Aristotle's Political Thought -- 3. Solonian Athens and the Archaic Roots of Greed -- 4. Herodotus and the Greed of Imperialism -- 5. Thucydides, Greed, and the Breakdown of Political Community -- 6. "Revolution Matters"? Oligarchic Rebellion and Democratic Hegemony in Athens -- 7. Epilogue: Plato's Republic in Context -- Bibliography -- Index Locorum -- General Index

In this careful and compelling study, Ryan K. Balot brings together political theory, classical history, and ancient philosophy in order to reinterpret courage as a specifically democratic virtue. Ranging from Thucydides and Aristophanes to the Greek tragedians and Plato, Balot shows that the ancient Athenians constructed a novel vision of courage that linked this virtue to fundamental democratic ideals such as freedom, equality, and practical rationality. The Athenian ideology of courage had practical implications for the conduct of war, for gender relations, and for the citizens' self-image

Abstract
Scholars generally agree that, according to Aristotle, factionalizers are motivated by a sense of injustice (the 'first cause') to redress imbalances in wealth and honor (the 'second cause'). Recent discussions, however, have offered a misleading interpretation of Aristotle's third cause, which he identifies as the origin of the factionalizers' sense of injustice. It involves, most importantly, greed, hubris, and other factors such as fear and 'disproportionate growth'. In conversation with a recent publication in Polis, this article restores the third cause to its proper place in Aristotle's account. Abusive power holders, driven by greed, hubris, and overreaching, oppress their fellow citizens – following in the tradition of Homer's Agamemnon, Hesiod's basileis, and Solon's aristocrats. These power holders prompt a sense of anger, indignation, and injustice in their fellow citizens, who ultimately form factions and take action on their own behalf.

What influences the way we discuss and think about technology? How does technology, in turn, shape our understanding of politics, relationships, and ethics? I explore these questions while reflecting on my own experiences researching and writing about political technical communication during the COVID-19 pandemic. Modern life is saturated with technology. Although many voters may not realize it, technology is central to the operation of democracy. In part one, I use rhetorical methods to explore how the link between electoral politics and technical communication as a field might be strengthened. In part two, I examine cases where apocalyptic culture transmits deeply conservative political perspectives through technical communication. Finally, in part three, qubits (which are the quantum computing version of a bit in modern computing software) are creatively used as a metaphor for thinking about the relationship between ethics, technology, research, and activism.

Throughout its history, Philadelphia has boasted the work of notable architects and builders. Yet hardly any were so controversial or left such a mixed legacy as the self-styled "engineer of the United States" during the nation's founding, Peter (Pierre) Charles L'Enfant. From 1793 to 1800, while the city served as the federal seat of government, L'Enfant lived in Philadelphia and applied his hand to a range of ambitious projects. This period followed his sudden, acrimonious departure from laying out the grand new city on the Potomac. And as in this earlier appointment, nearly all L'Enfant's subsequent projects were marked with difficulty. Indeed, the climax of L'Enfant's efforts in Philadelphia saw his masterwork pulled down and demolished by the citizens themselves to make way for more practical construction of a different character. Nor was L'Enfant's personal life in the city any easier, as he found himself beset and bullied by his housemate, Richard Soderstrom, the Swedish consul. As a result, despite his singular creativity and talents, L'Enfant's energies in the city would largely be forgotten.

AbstractI test the Developmental Origins of Health and Disease hypothesis using a cohort perspective on mortality. I combine data from the National Health Interview Survey Linked Mortality Files, 1986–2006, and U.S. economic data between 1902 and 1956 (403,746 respondents and 39,439 deaths), to estimate how exposures to adverse economic conditions in utero and during the first three years of life affect circulatory disease mortality risk in adulthood. I also examine cohort‐based variation in these associations. Findings suggest that in utero exposures to poor economic conditions increased risk of death from circulatory diseases. Results are consistent with theory and evidence suggesting that developmental processes early in life are strongly associated with circulatory disease susceptibility in older adulthood. However, findings indicate that the mortality effects of these early‐life exposures have likely weakened across birth cohorts.