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The aim of this paper is to examine to what extent the leading US think tanks influenced the US policy towards the Russian Federation after annexation of Crimea in March 2014. Comparative analysis was performed on three entities – the Brookings Institution, the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and the Atlantic Council. Their respective activity has been placed against the model of think tank impact, which is composed of the following elements: framing of key ideas and issues – providing policy alternatives – shaping of decision-making process. The author has positioned the results of his analysis within a larger discussion on changes in the global order and the system of liberal democracy itself.

The aim of this paper is to examine to what extent the leading US think tanks influenced the US policy towards the Russian Federation after annexation of Crimea in March 2014. Comparative analysis was performed on three entities – the Brookings Institution, the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and the Atlantic Council. Their respective activity has been placed against the model of think tank impact, which is composed of the following elements: framing of key ideas and issues – providing policy alternatives – shaping of decision-making process. The author has positioned the results of his analysis within a larger discussion on changes in the global order and the system of liberal democracy itself.

The aim of this paper is to examine to what extent the leading US think tanks influenced the US policy towards the Russian Federation after annexation of Crimea in March 2014. Comparative analysis was performed on three entities – the Brookings Institution, the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and the Atlantic Council. Their respective activity has been placed against the model of think tank impact, which is composed of the following elements: framing of key ideas and issues – providing policy alternatives – shaping of decision-making process. The author has positioned the results of his analysis within a larger discussion on changes in the global order and the system of liberal democracy itself.

Celem artykułu jest ukazanie sylwetki ubiegającego się o nominację w wyborach prezydenckich z ramienia Partii Demokratycznej polityka – Berniego Sandersa. Sanders samookreśla się jako demokratyczny socjalista, jego wzorem jest Franklin Delano Roosevelt. Polityk ten jest związany z ruchem alterglobalistycznym, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem ruchu Occupy Wall Street. Sanders uczynił wiele dla propagowania w Ameryce idei socjaldemokratycznych.

The aim of this paper is to analyse the political language of Bernie Sanders and Donald Trump during the 2015/2016 presidential primaries in the United States. The narrative delivered by both candidates is interpreted from the perspective of political science in order to show not only its ideological and political content, but also the electoral significance. The author stresses not only the highly particular nature of the analyzed primaries of the Democratic and Republican Parties, but also discusses the character of the candidates themselves. Sanders and Trump not only represented the populist answer to the 8 years of presidency of Barack Obama (on the left and right side of the political spectrum respectively), but were also the main candidates of the American anti-establishment circles, which becomes very clear in the analysis of their political language.

Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza zwycięstwa Donalda Trumpa w wyborach prezydenckich w Stanach Zjednoczonych w 2016 roku w kontekście porażki projektu centro-lewicowego w tym kraju. Szczególna uwaga zostanie poświęcona geografi i wyborczej tzw. Pasa Rdzy, który stanowi jeden z najbardziej symbolicznych regionów Ameryki, w którym możemy zaobserwować negatywne konsekwencje neoliberalnej globalizacji. Autor artykułu skupi się także na języku politycznym Donalda Trumpa, silnym przekazie antyglobalistycznym użytym przez republikańskiego kandydata zarówno w czasie prawyborów, jaki i podczas debat prezydenckich z Hillary Clinton. Studium zaprezentuje także na ile "polityka tożsamości" oraz inne indywidualistyczne koncepty wpłynęły na porażkę wyborczą amerykańskiej lewicy oraz dlaczego bardziej kolektywne i antagonistyczne podejście może w przyszłości mieć pozytywny wpływ na cały transatlantycki ruch postępowy. ; The aim of this article is the analysis of Donald Trump's electoral victory in U.S. presidential elections of 2016 in the context of failure of the center-left in this country. Special attention will be paid to political geography of the Rust Belt, one of the most symbolic regions in America, where one can observe the negative consequences of neoliberal globalization. The author of the article will focus on the political language of Donald Trump and the strong anti-globalist statement used by the Republican candidate during primaries as well during presidential debates with Hillary Clinton. This study will also show, how Identity Politics and other idealistic concepts infl uenced the electoral defeat of the American Left and why a more collective and antagonistic approach could have a positive impact on the whole transatlantic progressive movement.

The aim of this paper is to analyse the political language of Bernie Sanders and Donald Trump during the 2015/2016 presidential primaries in the United States. The narrative delivered by both candidates is interpreted from the perspective of political science in order to show not only its ideological and political content, but also the electoral significance. The author stresses not only the highly particular nature of the analyzed primaries of the Democratic and Republican Parties, but also discusses the character of the candidates themselves. Sanders and Trump not only represented the populist answer to the 8 years of presidency of Barack Obama (on the left and right side of the political spectrum respectively), but were also the main candidates of the American anti-establishment circles, which becomes very clear in the analysis of their political language.

The article presents the main ideological and theoretic assumptions of non-representative democracy, having historically strongly left-wing character, not an easy practice of applying this form of democracy in Polish and European conditions. The author tries to indicate a certain dialectic dualism of direct democracy, which more and more often constitutes contemporary crisis of liberal democracy in the contemporary debate on the negative impact of neoliberal globalization on democratic political system.

The article presents the main ideological and theoretic assumptions of non-representative democracy, having historically strongly left-wing character, not an easy practice of applying this form of democracy in Polish and European conditions. The author tries to indicate a certain dialectic dualism of direct democracy, which more and more often constitutes contemporary crisis of liberal democracy in the contemporary debate on the negative impact of neoliberal globalization on democratic political system.