Suchergebnisse

The article presents the political and geographical considerations and the development of Jews in agriculture in Poland in the first years after the Second World War. The analysis was made in the context of the implementation of the policy so-called productivisation, which was based on increasing employment among the Jews (and other groups) in the industry, the cooperative sector and the rural economy. The areas of the largest concentration of Jewish farms were Lower Silesia and north-western Poland, especially two counties: Stargard and Choszczno. Despite the financial and material support (among others the Society for the Propagation of Professional Knowledge ORT), many farmers did not succeed at ensuring the profitability of their farms. However, the launch of farms quite quickly improved the dire material situation of Jews. The most resigned, fearful and hurt among them, who saw handing over their fate to appropriate institutions as their only chance for a change in living conditions, found employment in agriculture.

Abstract
The article presents the origins, development and liquidation of the Jewish cooperative movement in Poland after the Second World War. It outlines the socio-political background, which contributed to the creation of a kind of national-cultural autonomy for the Jews, including one of its pillars - the cooperative movement. The functioning of cooperative institutions was analyzed for the structure of the industry, distribution and their number, and the number of workers employed there. I also assessed the role that their own cooperatives played in the reconstruction of post-war life of the Jewish population in Poland, both in the material as well as social and psychological fields, and also in the development of the cooperative movement in general.

Published in: Society and Space in Contemporary Poland in Łódź University Geographical Research, edited by T.Marszał ; It must be said that the national, ethnic and religious minorities in Poland have doubtless historical, cultural, and to some extent also political value. They are a testimony to the curious multiculturalism of Poland that has been forming throughout the history. If just for that reason, they should be properly protected by the democratic state. The awareness of this unique cultural and historical legacy of the former Republic can also be illustrated by new studies of national, ethnic and religious minorities. It is worth noting at this point that the aforementioned groups were first discussed in studies by geographers from Łódź. Research on national, ethnic and religious minorities were undertaken primarily in the context of: research methodology of these groups (Sobczyński and Grabowska 1993, Rykała 2011a, Sobczyński 2012, Barwiński 2013), their origins, size and distribution (Sobczyński 1996, Barwiński 2006, Rykała 2006), classification (Koter 1993, Rykała 2011a), national-ethnic structure of Polish population (Sobczyński 2000, 2001, Barwiński 2004, Rykała 2008a), operating on the political and cultural fringes (Koter 1997, Barwiński 2008, Rykała 2008b), the role of national and religious minorities in the organisation of urban space (Liszewski 1991, Dzieciuchowicz et al. 2004, Klima 2011, Rykała 2012), their cultural heritage (Kulesza 2010, 2012). Some religious minorities were discussed in separate publications (Barwiński 1999, 2009, Rykała 2007, 2011b, Kulesza 2012). The achievements of the geographical centre in Łódź in research on national-religious issues is therefore quite significant in terms of quantity and has significant empirical and theoretical value. ; The project was funded by the National Science Centre based on decision number DEC-2011/01/B/HS4/02609.

Mniejszości narodowe i etniczne, mimo niewielkiego udziału w strukturze ludności współczesnej Polski, przyczyniły się do powstania wyjątkowego pod względem narodowo- konfesyjnym dziedzictwa polskiej przestrzeni. Stosując podejście geograficzno-polityczne dokonano próby uchwycenia, zrozumienia i wyjaśnienia procesu przemian narodowościowo-etnicznych ludności Polski, prowadzącego do ukształtowania się jej współczesnego oblicza.

At its outset, although Polish Protestantism gained big popularity, it did not manage to cover a broad social scope. It gained members mainly among the nobility and wealthy bourgeoisie. Cieszyn Silesia region was an exception – Lutheranism was adopted by many Polish peasants from this area. The spatial analysis of Protestantism's development proves that it gained the most influence within areas dominated by Latin Christian confession. This resulted from the postulates of the new religious movement, especially in: the fiefdoms of Poland (Ducal Prussia, Courland), lands independent from Poland (Silesia, Western Pomerania), areas of wide autonomy (Royal Prussia) and lands belonging to noble and magnate do-mains, whose owners became protectors of different Protestant confessions. The Counter-Reformation and further persecutions of Protestants in post- -partition Poland, and also in the People's Republic of Poland, resulted in decrease in their ranks and decline of many of their existing clusters. The modern offspring of the initial Polish Protestant movement includes two of the most numerous factions – Lutheran and Calvinist, represented by Evangelical-Augsburg Church and Evangelical Reformed Church. As opposed to the initial influence of both these confessions, since the late 18th century the Lutherans have dominated in numbers over the members of Evangelical Reformed Church. It was caused mainly by the partitions of Poland, especially under Prussian occupation, where Lutheranism was supported by the local authorities. Many Protestants from Saxony, Silesia and Bohemia immigrated to Poland to settle in the developing, industrial cities of the Kingdom of Poland. The changes in numbers of followers of both confessions led to substantial shifts in their spatial influences. The changes were less significant in case of Evangelical-Augsburg Church, as under Prussian occupation it strengthened its influence within the areas of its original domain. In case of Evangelical Reformed Church, which suffered continuous losses in its ranks, the changes were more significant. They resulted mainly from the 18th and 19th century immigration of Bohemian Brethren, who later became members of the Evangelical Reformed Church, as well as from later migrations within this area, especially during the second half of the 20th century.

The problem raised in the title involves a general truth that present forms of statehood – independent nations – are viewed from a historical perspective. We look to past times for factors indicating the future in respect of statehood and national sovereignty. We seek clues and links indicating historical continuance of the said elements. In the case of the Basques attempts to project present realities upon the historical background are rather complicated. The reason is that Basques, inhabiting the northern region of Spain and south-west France, do not have their own state, and never in the history have had a fully adequate form of statehood. The lack of the tradition of statehood – for they have always formed part of a larger political unit – has not lead to the loss of their sense of national identity and has not weakened their struggle for political independence. What is more, the Basques today share a strong sense of national cohesion and national awareness, which is expressed in the Spanish constitution. It is indeed remarkable that a nation lacking the major form of protection of national identity, i.e. statehood, managed to retain it, giving it new dynamics and character. To understand the process of development of Basque national identity it is necessary to examine the historical background and to identify relevant issues. The aim of this study is systematic investigation and presentation of the problem in question with reference to the history of Spain and specific space, so that the historical and geographical perspectives are combined to provide a comprehensive view

"Geografia polityczna, pomimo propagowania u swojego zarania dogmatycznych i abstrakcyjnych teorii, dźwigania brzemienia grzechów będącej jej praktycznym zastosowaniem geopolityki oraz wtłaczania w ideologiczny gorset przez pozbawione demokratycznego mandatu rządy, to dziś pełnoprawna, uznana i nieustannie poszukująca kolejnych wyzwań naukowych członkini rodziny geograficznej. Na to wabiące, choć nieokreślone, grząskie i nie dość bezpieczne pole badawcze wkroczył kilkadziesiąt lat temu z niepohamowaną skłonnością do jego dalszej penetracji - przy zachowaniu pokory wobec dokonań poprzedników i szacunku dla nie zawsze chwalebnej tradycji - Profesor Marek Sobczyński. Liczne strumyki refleksji poznawczej i badawczej przenoszone przez pokolenia geografów politycznych ujął on w indywidualny nurt naukowej eksploracji. Materialnym wyrazem docenienia ogromnego i niezwykle cennego wkładu Profesora w rozwój tej dyscypliny naukowej jest niniejsza jubileuszowa książka. Jej struktura odzwierciedla spektrum zainteresowań badawczych autorów zamieszczonych w niej tekstów. Różnorodność podjętych tematów jest zarazem ilustracją wszechstronności naukowej Jubilata."--

Muslim community in Poland, in terms of their population, is much smaller than in most of the Western European countries. Demographic potential determines the strength of their political and cultural influence – which in relation to the aforementioned states, is scarce. Muslims in Poland, of both Tatar and non-Tatar origin, are still not well recognized in the area of social life. Muslim community in Poland differs from their counterparts in countries of Western Europe, not only by its demographic potential, but also by its local specifics. It consists of the oldest Polish Muslim descendants, namely Tatars, who adopted the cultural norms of Polish surrounding. Moreover, to some degree, they also identify themselves with these norms ethnically. They created the native, moderate model of Islam which can be qualified as "Tatar-European" model. The main similarities to Polish Tatars, especially regarding the acceptance of moderate version of Islam and a certain degree of identification withPolish culture, can be found among Muslim descendants, mainly economic immigrants and representatives of Muslim immigration from the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s. A whole different tradition, particularly in comparison to Polish Tatars' community, is represented by the generation of Muslim immigrants from the 1990s. These Muslims are more faithful to the principles of Islam in their everyday life than their Tatar coreligionists. It is caused by the fact that their religious identity was shaped in the Muslim culture, in the countries of their origin. Contrary to earlier immigrants, they do not show assimilative attitudes and distance themselves from Muslim Religious Association which is the organization with the longest tradition among Polish Muslims. Instead, they congregate in institutions they established themselves (e.g. the Muslim League). It should be emphasized, that these people arrived in Poland mainly for educational or economic reasons (to study at the university or start their own business). Majority of them (61%) is planning to return to their homeland after achieving all the basic aims of their stay in Poland. Surely, one should not expect any significant changes among Muslim refugees' environment in Poland, as majority of them intend to emigrate further. Also Polish citizens converted to Islam often treat their new religion in superficial way, and eventually abandon it and return to their previous confession. According to the results of the research, European integration and opening of the borders did not contribute neither to the inflow of Muslims from Western Europe, nor to the diffusion of ideas which are the foundation for extreme, orthodox Islam. However, during less than last twenty years, the socio-ethnic structure of this religious minority has undergone a significant transformation. It was conditioned mainly by constitutional changes in Poland, despite the dynamics of integration processes in Europe. The research results confirm, that the changes of proportions within the local Muslim minority, shaped over several years, gradually lead to the creation of two models of Islam in Poland: "Tatar-European" – a moderate model, rooted in Poland for centuries, and "Arabic-Middle East" model – considerably more orthodox, created by those who arrived in Poland recently or have recently converted to Islam. The analyzed changes, though significant, do not efface the principal differences between the entire Muslim community in Poland and its Western counterpart. Therefore, one can quote after Smail Balica, the prominent representative of liberal Bosnian Islam, by recalling his description of Islam in the former Yugoslavia, that Islam in Poland remains in agreement with "enlightened Europe and is open to the world, liberal and tolerant in the light of General Declaration of Human Rights. This Islam belongs to Europe in a geographical, historical, ethnical and cultural sense". It still belongs to Europe.