Suchergebnisse

While the literature has shown the importance of the destination country in shaping the relationships immigrants maintain with their country of origin, the role of sub-state authorities is yet to be defined. This article analyses the characteristics and motivations behind transnational migration policies carried out by sub-state authorities through case studies of the Catalonia region and the city of Barcelona. Using data collected through in-depth interviews and a qualitative analysis of documents, the results show that city and regional authorities recognise transnational activities as a common good, but while certain transnational economic, political, and socio-cultural activities are given governmental support, others are not. Different political motivations lie behind transnational migration policies. This article adds two new hypotheses to the accepted in the literature. First, public authorities recognize an economic and political benefit for themselves in supporting migrant transnationalism. Second, these same authorities perceive such actions as complementary tools in the process of identity construction, such as that currently taking place in Catalonia.

México se ha caracterizado por contar con altos niveles de población emigrante, en tránsito y de retorno; hoy hay que sumar a estos fenómenos la migración que permanece y se asienta en el país. A pesar de la cada vez mayor relevancia de llegada de migrantes al país, la integración de estas personas apenas está siendo estudiada, menos aún gestionada eficazmente. Este artículo busca explorar sobre cuál es el modelo de integración implementado en México en función de la política migratoria que se ha desarrollado a nivel federal y el porqué de esta elección. Para realizar este análisis he trabajado con datos cualitativos: entrevistas en profundidad y análisis documental. El texto concluye que conviven dos modelos de integración: el generado por la norma, predominantemente inclusivo y multicultural; y el que se aplica, de tipo asimilacionista y que diferencia a ciertos migrantes de los nacionales, como respuesta a los intereses sociales, políticos y económicos del estado.

While the literature has shown the importance of the destination country in shaping the relationships immigrants maintain with their country of origin, the role of sub-state authorities is yet to be defined. This article analyses the characteristics and motivations behind transnational migration policies carried out by sub-state authorities through case studies of the Catalonia region and the city of Barcelona. Using data collected through in-depth interviews and a qualitative analysis of documents, the results show that city and regional authorities recognise transnational activities as a common good, but while certain transnational economic, political, and socio-cultural activities are given governmental support, others are not. Different political motivations lie behind transnational migration policies. This article adds two new hypotheses to the accepted in the literature. First, public authorities recognize an economic and political benefit for themselves in supporting migrant transnationalism. Second, these same authorities perceive such actions as complementary tools in the process of identity construction, such as that currently taking place in Catalonia. ; Si bien la literatura ha mostrado la importancia del país de destino en las relaciones que mantienen los inmigrantes con su país de origen, el rol de las autoridades a nivel sub-estatal está aún por definir. Este artículo analiza, a través de los casos de estudio de Cataluña y Barcelona, las características y motivaciones de las políticas transnacionales llevadas a cabo por estas autoridades. Para ello examina datos recopilados mediante entrevistas en profundidad y análisis documental. Los resultados ilustran que las autoridades reconocen las actividades transnacionales como un bien común; mientras se apoyan determinadas actividades económicas, políticas y socioculturales transnacionales, otras no; detrás de la gobernanza transnacional, existen diferentes motivaciones políticas. Este artículo añade dos nuevas motivaciones a las ya reconocidas ...

Esta tesis se centra en el debate de las relaciones transnacionales de los inmigrantes con sus países de origen. La aproximación es a través del análisis de actores en los países de destino, tanto públicos como privados, que interactúan en el espacio transnacional. A través de estudios de caso en Cataluña y de investigación cualitativa, analiza qué motivos llevan a estos actores a entrar en el espacio transnacional, qué papel juegan como facilitadores de actividades transnacionales y qué consecuencias tienen sus actuaciones. El principal resultado es la configuración de un amplio entramado de actores públicos y privados que atendiendo a motivaciones particulares, ya sean políticas o económicas, interfieren en el espacio transnacional inmigrante, bajo un sistema de gobernanza que les es favorable. Así, las actividades transnacionales se distorsionan, produciéndose cambios tanto en la intensidad con la que se producen sus conexiones habituales, como en el tipo de actividades sociales, políticas y económicas que mantienen. ; This dissertation focuses on the debate on transnational relations of immigrants with their countries of origin. The approach is through the analysis of actors in destination countries, both public and private, that interact in the transnational space. Through case studies in Catalonia and qualitative research, it analyzes what motivations lead these actors to enter the transnational space, what role they play as facilitators of transnational activities and what consequences their actions have. The main result is the confirmation of the importance of public and private actors who responding to individual motivations, whether political or economic, interfere in immigrant transnational space, in a governance system that is favorable to them. Thus, transnational activities are distorted, producing changes in both the intensity with which their usual connections occur, as in the kind of social, political and economic activities they maintain.

The 2011 Arab uprisings led to a great proliferation of studies on the situations in the Arab countries of the Mediterranean, with particular attention given to their young people, whose role was particularly central. Eight years on, in-depth exploration is still needed of the conditions in which millions of (mainly young) people demanded change. In this context, this volume examines the state and diversity of the forms of socioeconomic, political and cultural marginalization facing the region's young men and women, as well as the strategies and routes of contestation by which they escape them. Through the interdisciplinary empiricism of this book, based on the results emerging from the SAHWA Project (funded by the European Commission under the Seventh Framework Programme), we aspire to build a complex description and analysis of the current situation of the Arab Mediterranean youth. The aim is to fathom out young people's patterns, agency and living conditions, focusing on the relational character of the juvenile worlds actively constructed by themselves. The authors explore the main trends that are reflected in the social strategies, cultural constructions and changes within the Arab youth population, and whether the creation of new lifestyles and the emergence of youth cultures are an indicator of sociopolitical transitions. To answer all these questions the researchers have conducted a comprehensive study in five Arab Mediterranean countries: Algeria, Egypt, Lebanon, Morocco and Tunisia. Based on mixed method research the data collection is composed by two primary sources: the SAHWA Youth Survey 2016 (2017), 10,000 young people interviewed, and the SAHWA Ethnographic Fieldwork 2015, involving more than 200 young people.

¿Hasta qué punto y cómo la investigación académica en cienciassociales ha tenido un impacto en el policymaking de las políticas deinmigración e integración en España? A partir del análisis de 14entrevistas con investigadores y la revisión de la literatura académica,este trabajo señala dos cuestiones. Primero, la investigación sobreinmigración en España surgió a demanda de las organizaciones socialesy administraciones, que según crecía la población inmigrada necesitabandatos para fundamentar sus políticas incipientes. Segundo, tomandocomo partida el modelo propuesto por Penninx (2005), señalamos quemientras que la centralización de las políticas de inmigración ha llevado aun papel marginal de los investigadores, el carácter más bottom-up delas políticas de integración ha determinado una mayor implicación,especialmente en la fase de formulación.

The search for new ways to manage international migration is one of the main topics at the current political agendas. Within this framework, Temporary and Circular Labour Migration (TCLM) as a way of fl ow management on the one hand, and co-development as a set of actions that seek to articulate migration and development on the other, have recently been promoted as double win situations. Both initiatives depart from the assumption that migrants can make important contributions to development, in their countries of destination but also in their countries of origin. The paper explores the opportunities and difficulties that arise when a single initiative attempts tobring together these two types of activities, which have so far been managed by different entities and in separated venues. The study raises the question about the positive and negative effects of this alliance. The article presents the results of a TCLM case study. ; La búsqueda de nuevas vías de gestión de la migración internacional es uno de los temas preferenciales de las agendas políticas actuales. En este marco, la Migración Laboral Temporal y Circular (MLTC) como fórmula gestora de flujos, por un lado, y el codesarrollo como actividad que articula la migración y el desarrollo, por otro, están siendo promovidas como acciones de dobleganador, pues ambas parten del supuesto de que los inmigrantes pueden contribuir a los países de destino sin perjudicar a los países de origen de los que proceden. El artículo explora las posibilidades y dificultades que se abren al aunar, en una misma iniciativa, estas dos prácticas con potencialidades afines, que hasta ahora han sido gestionadas por entidades diferenciadas y en espacios distintos. En definitiva trata de preguntarse por los efectos positivos y negativos de esta articulación. El artículo presenta los resultados de un estudiode caso de MLTC.

[EN] In the past decade, countries whose markets needed seasonal labour have sought new ways of importing foreign workers through channelling and recruitment programmes in countries of origin. This article seeks to demonstrate that, in the case of Spain, the effective development of this process has only been possible because of a flexible and dynamic system in which bilateral agreements have played a major role, among them those signed with some Latin American countries. Flexible management of these programmes has been implemented via legislation, via the institutions and actors involved, and via the immigrants themselves, who have managed (or been forced) to adapt to the changes of a labour market conditioned by the globalisation of labour and capital ; [ES] En la primera década del siglo xxi, los países con mercados de trabajo necesitados de mano de obra estacional buscaron fórmulas para importar trabajadores extranjeros a través de programas de canalización y reclutamiento en origen. Este artículo busca mostrar que, en España, el desarrollo efectivo de esta vía solo ha sido posible en un marco flexible y dinámico de gestión, en el que han tenido un papel determinante los acuerdos bilaterales firmados con ciertos países, incluyendo algunos latinoamericanos. En definitiva, sobre la base de una legislación, unas instituciones y actores implicados, y unos inmigrantes que han sabido, o se han visto obligados, a adaptarse a los cambios que conlleva un mercado de trabajo condicionado por la globalización del trabajo y del capital. ; Peer reviewed

FEUTURE Online Paper No. 21 Attracting and retaining highly skilled migrants has become a priority for countries looking to address labour shortages and to strengthen their positions as knowledge-based economies. In this framework the EU and Turkey have, in recent years, been introducing policies aimed at facilitating the arrival of highly skilled migrants. Based on the recognition that migration/mobility is a bi-directional issue, this paper analyses the movement of Turkish highly skilled migrants to the EU and of European highly skilled migrants to Turkey. It focuses on the drivers that affect the mobility of such migrants. The paper argues that in spite of the lack of cohesive legal frameworks on high-skilled migration between the EU, member states and Turkey, the presence of high-skilled migration frameworks and policies has been a positive driver in EU-Turkey relations. It notes that from 1999 to 2013, political, societal and economic developments in EU and Turkey were drivers that increased the mobility of highly skilled migrants (including students), particularly from the EU to Turkey. The same drivers, in general terms, reversed this trend from roughly 2013 onwards (marked by the Gezi protests in Turkey). In sum, highly skilled migration stands out as an area of mutual benefit, particularly to drive EU-Turkey relations in the direction of "convergence" in 2023. ; This project has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No 692976. This publication reflects the views only of the authors, and the Commission cannot be held responsible for any use which may be made of the information contained therein.

Circular Temporary Labour Migration (CTLM) is being promoted as an innovative and viable way of regulating the flow of labour migrants. Based on a specific empirical case study, we identify an unexpected outcome of CTLM programmes: the emergence of a new empirical migrant category, the circular labour migrant, which is as yet theoretically unnamed and lacks recognition by public institutions. We argue that, to date, there have been two historical phases of circular labour migration: one with total deregulation and another with partial regulation, involving private actors supported by public institutions. In a developed welfare state context, it would be normatively pertinent to expect a step towards a third phase, involving the institutionalization of this new trend in mobility by the formulation of a public policy. Current legal, political, social, and economic frameworks have to be reassessed in order to recognise the category of the circular labour migrant.