Suchergebnisse

Conflicts are everyday situations and experiences with which people have to cope. Focusing on particularly conflict-prone parts of Asia, the contributions to this book analyze the dynamics of conflicts from the perspectives of the actors involved, and pay particular attention to aspects like mobilization, exclusion, segregation, the role of institutions and the construction of antagonistic identities. The book gathers case studies based on long-term fieldwork from conflicts in Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Kashmir.

Conflicts are everyday situations and experiences with which people have to cope. Focusing on particularly conflict-prone parts of Asia, the contributions to this book analyze the dynamics of conflicts from the perspectives of the actors involved, and pay particular attention to aspects like mobilization, exclusion, segregation, the role of institutions and the construction of antagonistic identities. The book gathers case studies based on long-term fieldwork from conflicts in Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Kashmir.

As a religious and cultural minority in Turkey, the Alevis have suffered a long history of persecution and discrimination. In the late 1980s they started a movement for the recognition of Alevi identity in both Germany and Turkey. Today, they constitute a significant segment of Germany's Turkish immigrant population. In a departure from the current debate on identity and diaspora, Sökefeld offers a rich account of the emergence and institutionalization of the Alevi movement in Germany, giving particular attention to its politics of recognition within Germany and in a transnational context. The book deftly combines empirical findings with innovative theoretical arguments and addresses current questions of migration, diaspora, transnationalism, and identity

Im Zuge der Debatten über Islam und Einwanderung rücken auch Aleviten ins Zentrum des öffentlichen Interesses. Als »nicht-orthodoxe« Gruppe stellen sie einen Sonderfall dar und gelten häufig als besonders gut integrierte Muslime. Dies ist nicht zuletzt ein Erfolg der alevitischen Bewegung, die sich seit Ende der 1980er Jahre für die Anerkennung des Alevitentums in Deutschland eingesetzt hat. Gleichzeitig führen die Aleviten selbst eine sehr engagierte Debatte über ihre Identität: Sind Aleviten überhaupt Muslime? Wie lässt sich das Alevitentum in Deutschland leben und vermitteln? Kultur- und Sozialwissenschaftler verschiedener Disziplinen greifen in diesem Band Aspekte der Debatte über das alevitische Selbstverständnis auf und geben einen Überblick über den Diskurs in Deutschland.

Zwar ist in den letzten Jahren der Konsens gewachsen, dass Deutschland ein Einwanderungsland ist, aber der Blick auf Migranten hat sich dadurch nicht wesentlich geändert. Auf der Basis des Paradigmas kultureller Differenz gelten sie nach wie vor als die Anderen, die Fremden. Doch die Fremdheit der Migranten als eine Prämisse der Debatte über Einwanderung in Deutschland verstellt den Blick für eine sehr vielfältige und gar nicht unbedingt fremde Lebenswirklichkeit. Die Beiträge dieses Bandes nun stellen diese Prämisse in Frage. Sie untersuchen, wie in den Diskursen von Gesellschaft, Politik und Wissenschaft die kulturelle Differenz vor allem der Einwanderer aus der Türkei immer wieder festgeschrieben wird und diskutieren anhand neuer theoretischer Zugänge alternative Perspektiven. Damit bereichert der Band die gegenwärtige Diskussion um Migration um notwendige innovative Positionen.

In Deutschland erhielten ungefähr 30.000 Afghan:innen keinen Schutzstatus, und sie wurden als ausreisepflichtig eingestuft. Von ihnen sind in den letzten vier Jahren, in denen Sammelabschiebungen mittels Charterflügen vollzogen wurden, tatsächlich nur etwas mehr als 1000 Menschen tatsächlich außer Landes gebracht worden - und das zu außerordentlichen Kosten. Für alle, die als abschiebefähig kategorisiert wurden, waren Abschiebungen ein ständiger Quell der Angst und Verunsicherung - niemand wusste, ob er oder sie als Nächste:r an der Reihe wäre. Dieser Artikel beschreibt die politischen Hintergründe der Abschiebungen nach Afghanistan aus Deutschland insbesondere für die Jahre 2016 und 2021. Er vertritt die These, dass Abschiebungen ein wesentliches Element des "Grenzspektakels" (De Genova 2013) darstellen, mit dem ein Drama der Ausschließung inszeniert wird, das die nationale Existenzordnung bestätigt. Aus dieser Sicht ist der größere Rahmen, in dem das Abschiebespektakel stattfindet, die deutsche Biopolitik: Biopolitik ist nach Foucault die Politik, die über das "Leben-Machen und Sterben-Lassen" entscheidet. Biopolitische Perspektiven legen den Fokus zumeist auf das "Leben-Machen". Abschiebungen jedoch sind meiner Ansicht nach die unvermeidliche dunkle Seite der Biopolitik, auf die Foucault hingewiesen hat: das Sterbenlassen.

Around 30,000 Afghans have been denied protection in Germany and are categorised as ausreisepflichtig (required to leave the country). Of these, just over 1,000 people have been removed over the four years that removals were implemented, and that at extraordinary costs. For all who are categorised as 'deportable', this was a constant source of fear and insecurity - never knowing who would be next on the list. This article outlines the German politics behind the deportation of Afghans, with a focus on the years 2016-2021. It argues that deportations have become a significant element of the 'border spectacle' (De Genova 2013), staging a drama of exclusion that affirms the national order of being. I frame the deportation spectacle as a part of German biopolitics. According to Foucault, biopolitics is about 'to make live and to let die'. Whilst biopolitical perspectives mostly focus on 'make live', I argue that deportations are part of the inevitable dark side of biopolitics pointed out by Foucault: that of letting die.

This article traces the development of German politics of deporting Afghans. Since the great influx of refugees in 2015 - which doubled the number of Afghans in Germany - the asylum acceptance rate of Afghan refugees has been reduced while at the same time the government has made efforts to increase the number of deportations, arguing that parts of Afghanistan are "safe" for deportees, in spite of increasing violence in the country. Using a logic of deservingness, politicians maintain that the only persons deported are those who refuse to "integrate". In fact, however, more "well-integrated" Afghans are deported than persons with a criminal record. Within the context of an increasingly restrictive asylum system, the emphasis on deportations has to be understood as an attempt to counter the rise of right-wing populism in Germany. Yet activists who support individual refugees and rejected asylum seekers, trying to prevent their deportation, increasingly contest this approach. By pointing out that particular persons who are threatened by deportation are "well integrated" and therefore deserve to stay, these activists essentially accept and reinforce the logic of deservingness. The article argues that the deportee epitomises the current reterritorialisation of nation-states and global system of unequal (im)mobility.

This article traces the development of German politics of deporting Afghans. Since the great influx of refugees in 2015 – which doubled the number of Afghans in Germany – the asylum acceptance rate of Afghan refugees has been reduced while at the same time the government has made effžorts to increase the number of deportations, arguing that parts of Afghanistan are "safe" for deportees, in spite of increasing violence in the country. Using a logic of deservingness, politicians maintain that the only persons deported are those who refuse to "integrate". In fact, however, more "well-integrated" Afghans are deported than persons with a criminal record. Within the context of an increasingly restrictive asylum system, the emphasis on deportations has to be understood as an attempt to counter the rise of right-wing populism in Germany. Yet activists who support individual refugees and rejected asylum seekers, trying to prevent their deportation, increasingly contest this approach. By pointing out that particular persons who are threatened by deportation are "well integrated" and therefore deserve to stay, these activists essentially accept and reinforce the logic of deservingness. The article argues that the deportee epitomises the current reterritorialisation of nation-states and global system of unequal (im)mobility.

This article traces the development of German politics of deporting Afghans. Since the great influx of refugees in 2015 - which doubled the number of Afghans in Germany - the asylum acceptance rate of Afghan refugees has been reduced while at the same time the government has made eff orts to increase the number of deportations, arguing that parts of Afghanistan are "safe" for deportees, in spite of increasing violence in the country. Using a logic of deservingness, politicians maintain that the only persons deported are those who refuse to "integrate". In fact, however, more "well-integrated" Afghans are deported than persons with a criminal record. Within the context of an increasingly restrictive asylum system, the emphasis on deportations has to be understood as an attempt to counter the rise of right-wing populism in Germany. Yet activists who support individual refugees and rejected asylum seekers, trying to prevent their deportation, increasingly contest this approach. By pointing out that particular persons who are threatened by deportation are "well integrated" and therefore deserve to stay, these activists essentially accept and reinforce the logic of deservingness. The article argues that the deportee epitomises the current reterritorialisation of nation-states and global system of unequal (im)mobility.

This essay is a reflection on the sowing festival taghm which marks the beginning of the agricultural season in Gojal in the Karakorum Mountains of Pakistan. While doing research on the consequences of the Attabad landslide (Sökefeld 2012, 2014), I took the opportunity to observe taghm three times in Gulmit, the central place of Gojal.