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World Affairs Online
World Affairs Online
In: RSIS Commentaries, 40/2010
World Affairs Online
World Affairs Online
In: RSIS monograph no. 24
In: RSIS Commentaries, 24/2010
World Affairs Online
In: Strategic currents
Emerging trends in Southeast Asia -- Contents -- Preface: Emerging Trends in Southeast Asia by Yang Razali Kassim -- ASEAN: At Decade's Turn -- Suharto: The End of an ASEAN Era by Yang Razali Kassim -- ASEAN Regional Forum: Towards Preventive Diplomacy by Ralf Emmers -- The ASEAN Charter Controversy: Between Big Talk and Modest Actions by Hiro Katsumata -- The ASEAN Community: Trusting Thy Neighbour by Christopher B. Roberts -- Prospects for an ASEAN Nuclear Cooperation: A Common Nuclear Facility? by Alvin Chew -- ASEAN's Future Identity: Imagined or Imitation Community? by Yang Razali Kassim -- The Myanmar Challenge -- ASEAN: Time to Suspend Myanmar by Barry Desker -- Plight of Myanmar's People: Challenges for the International Community by Christopher B. Roberts -- India's Outdated Myanmar Policy: Pressure for Change by C. Raja Mohan -- Rohingya Muslims: Myanmar's Forgotten People by Nyi Nyi Kyaw -- Climate Change -- ASEAN: Act on Climate Change by Barry Desker -- Coping with Nature's Wrath: Can Southeast Asia Afford to Wait? by Mely Caballero-Anthony -- The Rush for Nuclear Energy in Southeast Asia: Promises and Pitfalls by Mely Caballero-Anthony and Sofiah Jamil -- The Security Dimension of Climate Change by Hoo Tiang Boon and Ng Sue-Chia -- Climate Change: ASEAN Plus 3's New Worry by Chen Gang and Li Mingjiang -- Political Economy and Regionalism -- The Asian Financial Crisis 10 Years Later: What Lessons Have We Learned? by Anwar Ibrahim -- East Asian Identity: After the Crisis by Shiping Tang -- The New Silk Road: An Arab-Asian Free Trade Area? by Yang Razali Kassim -- APEC :Time for Second-Best Options by Barry Desker -- Singapore and Southeast Asia -- 33 Days: An Intense Month of High-Level Diplomacy by Yang Razali Kassim -- The Tao of Spider-Man: Lessons for Singapore Defence and Diplomacy by Tan See Seng -- Self-Radicalization: The Case of Abdul Basheer Abdul Kader by Kumar Ramakrishna -- The Singapore Armed Forces and Domestic Security by Terence Lee -- Multiculturalism in Singapore: The Ties that Bind and Blind by Yolanda Chin and Norman Vasu -- Why We Must Ponder the Improbable: Risk Assessment and Horizon Scanning by Barry Desker -- Regional Security -- Trends in Piracy and Armed Sea Robbery in Southeast Asia by Jane Chan and Joshua Ho -- Is Poso All about JI?: The Roots of the Conflict by Evan A. Laksmana -- The Southern Insurgency: Rethinking Thailand's Military Strategy by Prashanth Parameswaran -- Trust and Soft Power in War on Terror by Bahtiar Effendy -- Abu Sayyaf's New Leader: Yasser Igasan the Religious Scholar by Taharudin Piang Ampatuan -- Southeast Asia and the Regional Powers -- East Asian Security: India's Rising Profile by C. Raja Mohan -- Rudd's Rise: Changes in Australia's Strategic Directions by Sam Bateman -- Timor-Leste and China: The Dragon's Newest Friend by Loro Horta -- A New Pro-Asia Doctrine?: Japan's Approach to East Asian Regionalism by Go Ito -- South China Sea: Time for ASEAN-China Joint Development? by Robert Beckman -- Southeast Asia and Contemporary Islam -- The Rise of Religious Bylaws in Indonesia by Luthfi Assyaukanie -- Turkey and the Türban: The Dilemmas of Laicist Ideology by Karim Douglas Crow -- New PAS, Young Ulama: Re-Defining the Future of Islamist Politics by Yang Razali Kassim -- Responding to the Idea of Hijrah (Migration) by Muhammad Haniff Hassan -- Contributors.
In: RSIS Commentaries, 9/2010
World Affairs Online
World Affairs Online
World Affairs Online
In: Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations, Band 9, Heft 2, S. 118-126
ISSN: 2658-3615
In: Kajian Malaysia: journal of malaysian studies, Band 41, Heft 1, S. 21-42
ISSN: 2180-4273
Reviewing the history and trajectory of Malaysia's foreign policy, this article highlights national role conceptions (NRCs) during Tunku's premiership between 1957 and 1968 and the first and second Mahathir tenures of 1981–2003 and 2018–2020, respectively. Malaysia's foreign policy and its fundamentals have remained reasonably stable over prolonged periods but NRCs, which define foreign policy, have witnessed shifting nuances and noticeable changes under different premierships. Foreign policy under succeeding Malaysian governments has seen major shifts occurring in the transition of foreign policy in tandem with changing NRCs. Malaysian foreign policy is articulated within the constraints posed by the global and regional environments and that of a highly politicised, often divided domestic landscape. In the Tunku era, Malaysia was decidedly a Western ally, symbolised by NRCs of being "pro-West" and "anti-communist". Since then, Malaysia's relations with major powers and regional countries have shown a stable, neutral and non-aligned stance and it emerged as a "regional neutral strategist" under the premiership of Tun Abdul Razak. This article argues that the shifts and revisions in Malaysia's NRCs under Mahathir as a "global champion of the South", exemplar of "Looking East" and "champion of moderate Islam" were not all just outcomes of elite preferences but reflected political agendas of elites and political agents within the domestic political game. Drawing on some examples of domestic contestations over NRCs and foreign policy, the article points to the re-definition and even the abandonment of policy directions which were not consonant with the imperatives of the domestic political game.
In: Southeast Asian Affairs, Band SEAA21, Heft 1, S. 185-204
Indonesia has experimented with initiatives aimed at countering violent extremism (CVE) since the wave of arrests following the first Bali bombing attack in 2002. Initial efforts involved police attempting to develop relationships of trust with terrorists in custody. Today, a broader range of strategies are employed, from promoting peace among youth and thwarting the allure of extremist narratives, to managing prisoners and assisting former terrorists reintegrate with society. The lead government body since 2010 has been the national counterterrorism agency, Badan Nasional Penanggulangan Terorisme (BNPT), which is tasked with coordinating stakeholders in Indonesia's struggle with domestic terrorism. But managing the divergent and sometimes competing interests of Indonesia's large state institutions has not been straightforward, and effective collaboration between relevant state agencies remains an obstacle to the success of CVE initiatives. Where government has fallen short, civil society organisations (CSOs) often fill the gaps, and a number of dedicated practitioners now have invaluable experience, local contacts, and the specific knowledge required for countering extremism in the Indonesian context. CSOs also possess greater levels of trust among the communities they engage than security-centric state agencies could possibly hope to achieve. Yet instead of exploiting these civil society resources, the BNPT has largely preferred an independent (and top-down) approach to CVE initiatives, collaborating if and when assistance is required. The Indonesian government should make better use of the unique legitimacy and expertise of civil society organisations.
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