La comunità a più voci: identità, pluralismo democratico e interculturalità nel comunitarismo contemporaneo
In: Collana di filosofia 169
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In: Collana di filosofia 169
In: Collana di filosofia 82
In: Parliaments, estates & representation: Parlements, états & représentation, S. 1-13
ISSN: 1947-248X
In: Parliaments, estates & representation: Parlements, états & représentation, Band 43, Heft 2, S. 109-126
ISSN: 1947-248X
In: Parliaments, estates & representation: Parlements, états & représentation, Band 42, Heft 3, S. 348-350
ISSN: 1947-248X
In: Parliaments, estates & representation: Parlements, états & représentation, Band 41, Heft 2, S. 185-200
ISSN: 1947-248X
In: Der Staat: Zeitschrift für Staatslehre und Verfassungsgeschichte, deutsches und europäisches öffentliches Recht, Band 59, Heft 4, S. 577-598
ISSN: 1865-5203
In seinen Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts befasste sich Hegel mit der Frage der Verbindung zwischen Rechten und Pflichten und stellte heraus, dass Rechte zu ihrer Implementierung ein affirmatives Handeln brauchen, das nur durch die Feststellung und Erfüllung von Pflichten gewährleistet wird. Hundert Jahre später wurde diese Thematik während der Verhandlungen zur Erstellung der Weimarer Verfassung in der neu gewählten Nationalversammlung wieder aufgenommen. Die dort stattfindende Debatte, die anfänglich nur die Verankerung der Grundrechte in der Verfassung betraf, wurde allmählich mit der Frage ihrer Ergänzung durch die Grundpflichten konfrontiert, die als notwendige Korrelate der Grundrechte und ihrer Verwirklichung angesehen wurden. Der Artikel rekonstruiert die argumentative Entwicklung beider Sachverhalte, bezieht sich auf ihre theoretisch-politischen Hintergründe und stellt trotz einiger Unterschiede das gemeinsame Anliegen fest, die aktive Rolle der Bürger und des Staates zur Sicherung der Rechte hervorzuheben.
In his Elements of the Philosophy of Right, Hegel dealt with the question of the connection between rights and duties and underlined that rights need an affirmative agency in order to be implemented; this was guaranteed only through the ascertainment and fulfillment of duties. Hundred years later, this thematic was taken up again during the talks on the redaction of the Weimar Constitution in the newly elected National Assembly. The subsequent debate, which originally only concerned the issue of anchoring the fundamental rights in the constitution, was progressively confronted with the question of their endorsement by fundamental duties, which were considered as a necessary correlation to the rights for the sake of their realization. The article reconstructs the argumentative development of both issues, refers to their theoretical-political background and ascertains, in spite of some few differences, the common target of stressing the active role of the citizens and of the state in guaranteeing the rights.
In: Parliaments, estates & representation: Parlements, états & représentation, Band 40, Heft 3, S. 290-307
ISSN: 1947-248X
In: Human affairs: HA ; postdisciplinary humanities & social sciences quarterly, Band 30, Heft 3, S. 353-364
ISSN: 1337-401X
Abstract
Although Max Weber does not specifically analyze the topic of esteem, his investigation of the Protestant ethic offers interesting insights into it. The change in mentality it engendered essentially contributed to enhancing the meaning and importance of esteem in modern society. In his analysis, Weber ascertains that esteem was fundamental to being accepted and integrated into the social life of congregations. Nevertheless, he also highlights that esteem was supported by a form of self-esteem which was not simply derived from a good social reputation, but also achieved through a deep and continual self-analysis as well as a strict discipline in the ethical conduct of life. The present analysis reconstructs the different aspects of the relationship between social and self-esteem and analyzes the consequences of that relationship by focusing on the exemplary case of the politician's personality and ethic.
Weber's judgement on the types of immediate democracy is ambivalent; he recognizes the reduction of institutional mediation and power as well as the possibility of a more direct intervention by the people on the one hand, but he also underlines the major difficulties to find a balance between political decision making and administration, or between the exercise of power and its control. The analysis focuses on the most relevant types of immediate democracy: direct democracy, the democracy of the street, and plebiscitary democracy, and dedicates a particular attention to the referendum as the most significant instrument of immediate democracy in Weber's view. The aim is to ascertain which aspects do not find a satisfying solution in the immediate forms of democracy, and therefore require and legitimise at the same time an institutional mediation which is fully accomplished only by a strong and effective parliament.
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In: Parliaments, estates & representation: Parlements, états & représentation, Band 39, Heft 2, S. 213-225
ISSN: 1947-248X
In: Parliaments, estates & representation: Parlements, états & représentation, Band 36, Heft 2, S. 196-210
ISSN: 1947-248X
In: Parliaments, estates & representation: Parlements, états & représentation, Band 35, Heft 1, S. 140-142
ISSN: 0260-6755
In: Parliaments, estates & representation: Parlements, états & représentation, Band 35, Heft 1, S. 140-142
ISSN: 1947-248X
In: Parliaments, estates & representation: Parlements, états & représentation, Band 34, Heft 1, S. 76-94
ISSN: 1947-248X